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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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■^  1^    12.2 

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11-25  III  1.4 


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33  \MIST  MAIN  STHIT 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/iCMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Instituta  for  Hietorical  Microraproductiont  /  Inatitut  Canadian  da  microraproductiona  hiatoriquaa 


■i 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniquas  at  bibliographiques 


m 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
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the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


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modification  dans  la  m^thode  normale  ^*i)  filmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessoue. 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


□   Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


|T^  Covers  damaged/ 

y^  I    Couverture  endommag6e 


D 


D 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur6e  et/ou  pellicul6e 


I      I   Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


□   Coloured  maps/ 
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□    Pages  damaged/ 
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Pages  restaur6es  et/ou  peiliculdes 


^ 


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Pages  d6colordes,  tachet4es  ou  piqu6es 


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Transparence 


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Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


□    Quality  of  print  varies/ 
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D 
D 


D 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  document? 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
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male,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ort 
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I      I    Includes  supplementary  material/ 


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obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentaires; 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  fiimA  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


12X 


16X 


20X 


28X 


32X 


plaire 
es  details 
liques  du 
mt  modifier 
ixip,tit  une 
^*>)  filmage 


Bd/ 
iquAes 


itaire 


d  by  errata 
Imed  to 

ment 

,  une  pelure, 

)  fapon  A 

e. 


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The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^>  (meaning  "CON- 
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whichever  applies. 

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filmage. 

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originaux  sont  filmAs  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniftre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboies  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  Atre 
filmAs  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diff Arents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  il  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  ie  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  ia  mAthode. 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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SPEECH. 


On  tht  re$olution  of  noHu  to  Great  Britain  to  abrogate  the  conventum  of  jdnt 
oeeupancy  relative  to  the  Oregon  territory. 


Mr.  CLARKE  obtained  the  floor  and  addrewed 
the  coowiiitMu  fbllowK 

Mr.  CbuhIiui:  It  ia  with  much  diflUenee  that  I 
ri^a  to  addreaa  thia  committee  for  the  flrat  time  on  a 
aubject  which,  in  my  estimation,  is  ao  imroediaiely 
connected  with  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  on 
which  cendemen  of  much  more  ability  and  experi- 
ence diner  in  aomereapeeta  ao  esaentially.  Butaa 
a  large  portion  of  those  whom  I  have  the  honor  to 
rq>r«aent  aeem  to  ftel  a  Tery  eonaiderable  interest 
upon  the  subject  of  Oregon,  if  I  may  be  permitted 
to  form  an  opinion  ofthe  extent  of  that  interest  by 
the  resolutions  lately  adopted  in  their  primary 
naetinga,  it  is  but  proper^indeed,  sir,  it  may  be 
expected  by  them — that  I  ahould  express  my  Tiews 
upon  this  subject.  Such  aa  I  hare,  they  are  entitled 
to,  and  I  will  give  them  to  them;  premising,  iiew- 
erer,  that  if  pn  a  question  of  this  important  charac- 
ter I  ahould  uniortunately  have  mistaken  their 
wishes,  it  will  be  my  pleasure,  as  it  certainly  is  my 
duty,  to  rectify  the  mistake  and  to  carry  out  what- 
ever may  be  their  purposea  in  the  matter.  Amidst 
all  thedifferencea  of  opinion  on  this  subject,  how- 
ever,  to  which  I  have  adverted— ad  iflerence  of  opin- 
ion both  as  to  the  extent  of  our  rights  and  the  best 
way  of  maintaining  those  rights — it  is  ^T.'if^  I..^  m 
witness  the  unanimity  of  all  on  one  '  aatly  import- 
ant point  connected  with  this  C4iiuuveray.  If  all 
eflforta  to  settle  this  matter  peaceably  shall  te  of  no 
avail,  and  if  war  ia  to  be  the  dreadful  alternative, 
we  have  the  aaauranee  of  men  of  all  parties,  that 
they  will  unite,  aa  if  with  one  hand  and  with  one 
heart,  to  give  efficiency  to  the  war,  and  to  terminate 
the  conflict,  so  far  aa  human  agency  may  prevail, 
honorably  and  gloriously  for  the  country.  What 
emotiona  of  pride  doca  not  this  assurance  excite  in 
the  breast  of  every  one;  what  a  eommeniaiy  docs 
it  not  Aimish  upon  our  firee  institutions,  and  upon 
the  chanKterorour  confederacy;  and  what  a  promise 
does  it  not  hold  out  of  our  ateady,  gradual,  and  iire- 
aiaiible  progresa  aa  a  people  to  that  mognificf  nt 
destiiiT  which  ia  in  reverse  for  us,  if  we  will  only 
befUuAilto  ourselvea!  However,  therefore,  this 
aMtier  mav  be  settled— whether  by  negotiation  or  by 
war;  whether  peaceably  or  by  the  clash  and  din  of 
arma  thisfcctiaef  ineatimuile  value,  and  cannot 
ftil  to  exert  a  powerAiI  .uforal  ioSucnce  upon  As 


growth  and  prosperity  of  our  common  country.    It 
will  alao  give  ua  confldence  in    the  patrioliam  of 
each  other ;  it  will  blunt,  in  some  dcgiee,  it  ia  to  b* 
hoped,  the  acerbity  of  party  suirit;  and  it  will  tell  to 
foreign  nations,  in  terms  which  cannot  be  miaundei> 
stood,  that  however  much  we  may  differ  on  quea* 
tions  of  domestic  policy,  when  a  foreign  foe  ahall 
touch  our  noil,  we  are  prepared  to  give  him,  in  tlw 
langu^e  ofthe  honorable  gentleman  from  IlliiMii^ 
[Mrf  DocGLASt,]  "the  best  fight  we  have  on  hand,*' 
and  that  is  a  untied  fieht.    Aa  these  assurances  hpr* 
front  time  to  time  fallen  upon  the  ear  of  the  HoIm^ 
the  inr  iry  haa  involuntarily  forced  itself  upammy 
mind,  whether  it  were  possible  that  thia  eo  ild  be 
the  result  ot  the  annexation  of  Texas,  wlietber  it 
were  possible  that  thia  could  be  the  cvidenoa  of  that 
alienation  of  attachment  to  our  free   institntiona, 
which  wss  predicted  by  some  as  sure  to  follow  the 
coniummation  of  that  great  deed.    Certainly,  afltec 
so  much  was  said  about  the  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
and  the  disaffection  of  a  portion  of  our  people  to  their 
own  government,  it  was  hardly  to  have  been  expected' 
that  in  so  short  a  time  we  sliould  witness  the  gnti> 
fving  spectacle  of  men  of  alt  partica  coming  up  to~ 
the  altar  of  their  country,  and  there  making  a  ilre» 
and  voluntary  offering  of  devotion  to  her  in  everjf 
emereency.    But,  sir,  it  is  as  true  as  it  is  gratifying. 
The  North  and  the  West,  the  South  and  the  Beat,. 
without  distinctiuii  of  paiiy,  unite  in   the  hearty, 
prompt,  and  cheerful  declaration  of  a  determination 
to  stand  by  their  country  when  t^e  shock  of   war' 
shall  come.  I  was  for  Texaathen,  and  am  for  Oregon 
now.    1  was  for   adopting  the  mott  prompt  and 
vigorous  measures  when  the  former  waa  to  be  in- 
troduced into  our  sisterhood  of  Statr s;  and  1  will' 
now  go  OS  far  as  any  one  in  adopting  such  meas*  - 
ures  as  may  be  necessary,  in  the  event  of  war,  to- 
maintain  our  riehts  and  establiah  our  authority  ii. 
the  latter.    And,  sir,  if  there  could  be  any  diflerence- 
in  my  zeal  in  the  two  cases — which  I  do  not,  how- 
ever, admit-— I  must  confess  that  my  zeal  would  be 
the  greater  in  favor  of  Oregon;  for  we  have  learned 
from  those  who  have  had  the  management  of  thia 
case  from  the  beginning,  that  Oregon  is  ours,  our 
own  soil,  our  own  patrimony.    Texas,  on  the  other 
hand,  until  admitted  into  our  Union,  was  the  land 
of  another  people.    In  contending  for  Or^en,  we 


%\ 


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1" 


; 


!.M 


are  but  striving  to  nMn  our  preient  poaieHiona, 
anilMfrd  to  us  by  the  recollection  and  by  the 
«ehieveine'>*ji  of  our  ancestoni.  In  contending  for 
Taxu,  we  were  but  etri  °.'!n»  tj  extend  our  possei- 
wana,  to  increaae  our  wealth,  our  power,  our  re- 
«nurcea,  and  to  diaaemimtc  the  blessings  of  our 
Union — reauita  certainly  grati  yini;  to  Our  pride  and 
crtRouraging  to  our  hopes,  but  w'^ich  can  hardly  be 
•lid  to  be  e(|ual  to  the  outy  of  holding  on  to  our 
«wn,  of  keeping  that  which  we  huve  already  eot. 
What  proflt,  I  aik,  can  it  avail  us,  if  w<.>  nccumuTate 
with  dne  hand  to-day,  and  give  away  and  squander 
witli  thft  other  to-morrow?  What  seeming  fickle- 
ness, at  one  time  to  peri'  the  peace  of  the  country  in 
«Ner  to  aeqmrt  territory,  and  at  another  time  heni- 
tale,  for  fear  of  ensountering  the  dreaded  power  o( 
aaother  nation,  to  assert  and  prepare  to  vindicate 
4nir  just  and  manifest  rights!  Nor  can  the  consider- 
sitinn  that  one  of  these  territories  is  to  be  the  abode 
of  freemen  only,  whilst  the  other  is  to  be  peopled  in 
oart  by  slaves,  be  allowed  to  have  any  influence 
Hrhatever  on  my  mind  in  bringing  it  to  a  conclusion 
as  to  the  course  I  ought  to  pursue  on  a  great  ques- 
tion of  national  tights.  Nor  do  I  look  to  that  bal- 
ance of  power  which  has  been  too  frequently  advert- 
ed to  in  this  House  and  throughout  the  country,  be- 
tween the  sluveholding  and  non-slaveiiolding  States 
of  this  republic,  as  necessary  Ibr  the  protection  and 
aneurity  of  the  peculiar  institutions  of  the  Souths 

.  Tiiese  depend  for  their  present  support  upon  the 
\-'^|knee8sion«  on  that  subject  which  are  to  be  found  in 

'.  ••  constitution  of  the  United  Statm,  and  without 
wkieh  that  instrument  eouti.*  nothNve  been  ratified; 
they  depend  for  their  fiHure  support  uflbn  the 
i  of  iustice  on  that  Bubjsct  which  can  alone  pre- 

£re  and  perpetuate  that  i'nstru.nent.  When  these 
II  cease  to  oMrate,  little  is  to  be  expected  from 
it.  It  is  worse  titan  idle  to  place  any  reliance  what- 
ever or.  a.  mere  abstract  balance  of  power  founded 
<Mi  numVers,  on  whichsoever  side  the  preponder- 
ausc  mtty  be.  When  they  shall  cease  to  t>perats, 
the  .ance  of  power  by  which  those  institutions  are 
to  be  supported  will  be  one  lut  founded  on  numbers, 
baton  might — the  success  of  which  will  depend 
much  more  on  the  justice  ofthe  cause  Jn  which  it  is 
to  be  extrtcd — to  wit:  the  maintenance  of  our  just 
lights— thttn  on  nny  mere  seeming  superiority  bused 
oa  mhjoriiies.  This  is  the  view  in  which  the  two 
cases  present  themselves  to  my  mind;  and  viewing 
(hem  in  ttiti  light,  I  cannot  but  say  that  ray  zeal  for 
Oregon  is  at  least  equal  to  what  It  was  forTexau.  I 
lepciit  it,  therefore,  what  seeming  fickleness  at  one 
time  to  peril  the  peace  of  the  country  in  order  to 
aijcjuire  territory,  and  at  another  time  heijitate,  fo^; 
fear  of  encountering  the  dreaded  power  o£.an.?'-!icr 
nation,  to  assert  and  prepare  to  vindicate  our  just 
and  riLinifcst  rights— our  cWr  and  indisputable  title 
to  the  (»rcgon  territory!  But  the  gentleman  from 
Tennessee  [Mr.  Ewiko]  denies  timt  our  right  to  any 
jportioii  of  that  territory  cun,  with  any  propriety 
whatever,  be  pronounced  clear  and  indisputable. 
The  title  to  any  of  it  is,  in  his  estimtrtion,  doubtful; 
«nd  ihis  doubt  he  attributes  to  the  uncerts|inty — nut 
to  say  unsoundness — ofthe  print^pUs, by  which  we 
lay  claini  to  the  country,  wbep  wjitea  by  any  known 
and  acknowledged  principles  of  international  law. 
The  gentleman  alleges,  for  instance,  that — 

1.  llvis  doubtful,  under  the  law  of  nations,  wheth- 
:  or  the  discovery  ofthe  mouth  of  a  river  gives  a  right 
.<to  the  territory  drained  by  it. 

Ji.  It  is  doubtful,  under  the  same  laws,  whether 


discovery  avail  anything  without  speedy  settle- 
ment. 

3.  It  is  doubtful  whether  both  discovery  and  aet- 
ilement  give  title  to  a  nation,  unless  made  under 
government  authority. 

He  also  osserts  that  it  is  doubtful,  under  the  law 
of  nations,  whether  war  extineuishes  or  puts  an 
end  to  a  treaty  of  the  nature  of  the  Nootka  conven- 
tion. 

It  may  perhaps  be  true,  sir,  tl'St  not  only  the 
principles  laid  (lown  by  the  honorable  member,  but 
that  ail  other  questions  which  require  ibr  their  so- 
lution a  reference  to  the  law  of  nations,  may,  without 
ar,  -  very  great  impropriety  of  language,  be  set  down 
ail  doubtful  and  uncertain.  And  this  doubt  is  owing 
to  the  various  interpretations  and  applications  which 
those  laws  have  received  by  different  nations,  and 
even  by  the  same  nation  at'  diflferent  times,  and  also 
to  the  absence  of  something  in  the  nature  of  a  judi- 
cial tribunal  to  adjudicate  and  settle  them.  It  must, 
however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  (vesent  con- 
troversy is  with  Qreat  Britain;  and  if  she,  by  her 
past  conduct  hasgiven  a  special  interpretation  to  cer- 
tain principles  of  internalionai  law,  it  is  but  fair 
and  proper  that  we  hold  her  to  that  construction;  and 
if  that  interpretation  when  properly  applied  to  this 
case  sMill  give  us  the  Oregon  territory,  it  certainly 
(Mnnot  be  regarded  as  a  very  great  departure  from 
propriety  of  language,  if.  When  speaking  to  her, 
we  should  assert  that  our  title  to  that  country  is 
"clear  and  unquestionable."  Now,  I  would-  ask, 
if  her  manner  of  acquiring  territorial  rights  on  t(ia 
Atlantic  side  of  this  continent  has  not  given  certain- 
ty, if  not  existence,  to  the  doctrine  4hat  the  discove- 
ry of  the  mouth  of  a  river,  followed  up  within  a 
reasonable  time  by  settlement,  gave  her  title  not 
only  to  the  whole  country  watered  by  the  principal 
river,  but  also  that  which  was  watered  by  its  various 
tributaries.'  And  by  the  skilful  conjunction  of  t4>e 
right  by  continuity  to  .that  conferred  by  discovery 
and  settlement,  I  would  auk  the  honorable  gentle- 
man if  she  did  not  extend  her  possessions  far  be- 
yond the  most  distant  sources,  both  of  the  principal 
rivers  and  their  tributaries?  if  she  did  not  push  them 
even  beyond  the  Alleghany  mountains,  and  limit 
them  only  in  their  western  extension  by  the  great 
Mississippi  river?  The  sincerity  of  Great  Britain 
in  jiving  this  interpretation  to  the  laws  of  nations 
cannot  be  ciuesti(.<ncd,  because  in  1760  she  went  to 
war  with  France  to  maintain  it.  She  was  not  only 
willing  to  risk  her  character  before  the  world  as  a 
fair  and  Just  interpreter  of  those  laws,  but  for  the 
mnintenunce  of  her, construction  she  was  willing  and 
did  expend  millions  of  money,  and  sacrificed  tbou- 
dands  ofthe  live.)  of  her  subjects.  Give  us,  then,  as 
respects  the  Oregon  territory,  tne  rights  to  the  same 
extent  which  discovery  and  settlement  have  confer- 
red upon  Great  Britain  in  the  eastern  part  of  this 
North  American  continent — and  to  tliis,  let  us  add 
the  rights  which  continuity  would  give  us,  regulated 
by  her  own  practice — and  our  title  is  complete. 
Discovery  and  settlement  would  give  us  title  to  the 
whole  country  watered  by  the  Columbia  and  its 
tributaries,  extending  from  the  42d  desree  of  north 
latitude,  and  bounded  on  the  east  throughout  its 
whole  extent  by  the  Rocky  mountains,  and  on  the 
west  by  tlie  Pacific,  until  it  reached  the  mouth  of 
Frazer's  rver  in  latitude  of  49°,  when  it  would 
run  along  tne  highlands  which  separate  the  waters 
ofthe  Columbia  and  Frazer  river  valleys  up  to 
54°  40\  Give  us,  then,  the  benefit  of  continuity — 
let  it  operate  in  our  behalf  with  only  half  the  vitaiU- 


^ 


without  ipeedy   aettlc- 

r  both  diaeovery  and  aet- 
tion,  unleu  made  under 

doubtful,  under  the  lav 

-JXlinguishea  or  pula  an 

!  of  the  Nootka  oonven- 

sir,  tlat  not  only  the 
honorable  member,  but 
ich   require  ibr  th^ir  ao* 
of  nations,  may,  without 
of  language,  be  aet  down 
And  thia  doubt  is  owing 
s  and  applications  which 
>y  different  nations,  and 
dilTerent  times,  and  alao 
in  the  nature  of  a  judi- 
^d  aettle  them.    It  must, 
id  that  this  present  con- 
ain;  and   if  she,  by  her 
cial  interpretation  to  cer- 
>nai    law,   it   ia  but  fair 
'  to  that  construction;  and 
properly  applied  to  this 
n   territory,  it  certainly 
ry  great  departure  from 
,  When  speaking  to  her, 
title  to  that  couutry  is 
"    Now,  I  would'  aak, 
territorial  rights  on  tjia 
It  haa  not  given  certain- 
loctrine  :hat  the  discoTe- 
r,  followed  up  within  a 
ent,  gave  her  title  not 
^atered  by  the  principal 
IS  watered  by  ita  varioua 
tilful  conjunction  of  lift 
conferred  by  discovery 
the   honorable  gentle- 
her  posaesaiona  far  t>e- 
es,  both  of  the  principal 
if  she  did  not  puah  them 
'  mountains,  and  limit 
extension  by  the  greal 
cerity  of  Great  Britain 
to  the  laws  of  nations 
ise  in  1760  she  went  to 
I  it.    She   was  not  only 
r  before  the  world  as  a 
those  laws,  but  for  the 
tion  she  was  willing  and 
ey,  anil  sacrificed  ibou- 
ecta.    Give  us,  then,  as 
,  tne  rights  to  the  same 
settlement  have  confer- 
the  eastern  part  of  thia 
-and  to  tliis,  let  us  add 
rould  give  us,  regulated 
our   tide  is  complete. 
9uld  give  us  title  to  the 
the  Columbia  and  its 
le  42d  degree  of  north 
the  east  throughout  its 
mo-jntaina,  and  on  the 
reached  the  mouth  of 
•f  49°,  when  it  would 
h  aeparaie  the  watera 
r  river  valleya  jp  to 
benefit  of  continuity — 
ith  only  half  the  vitaii- 


t 


ty  and  efficacy  with  which  it  worked  out  territory 
for  Great  Bniain  on  thia  our  own  continent,  and 
we  take  in  Fraeer  river  valley,  and  become  at  once 
united  to  the  Pacific.  And,  sir,  if  there  ever  was  a 
country  in  which  the  doctrine  of  continuity  would 
operate  in  the  extension  of  territorial  rights,  the  up- 
per part  of  thia  Oregon  valley  ia  plainly  and  e/npbat- 
icallyone.  The  very  reason  and  object  of  '.he  prin- 
ciple is,  that  a  people  may  the  more  fully  and  con- 
veniently enjoy  that  portion  of  any  cou:itry  which 
is  clearly  and  confessedly  theirs  by  discovery  and 
occupation,  or  by  some  other  acknowledged  manner 
of  acquiring  territory.  The  valley  of  the  Columbia 
is  ouiB  by  the  discovery  of  Gray  in  1792,  and  by 
subsequent  aettlemen  I  within  a  reasonable  time,  as 
acknowledged  by  the  ^lurrender  of  it  after  the  last 
war;  and  this  valley  extends  as  far  north  as  54*^  40\ 
The  inhabilanl4,  tneretbre  of  the  northern  part  of 
thia  regi'on  would  have  to  travel  the  whole  extent 
of  liie  Columbia  river — n  (iintance  of  some  thousand 
or  twelve  hundred  miles — liefore  he  could  embark 
the  products  of  his  labor  and  skill  nn  the  mild  bosom 
of  the  Pacific,  in  search  of  a  foreign  market.  This 
long,  and  tedions,  and  toilsome  journey  he  must 
take,  with  the  Pacific  wilhi:4  two  hundred  miles  of 
his  home,  and  Fraicer's  river  within  one-fourth  of 
that  distance,  because  Prazer'a  river  was  discovered 
by  a  subject  of  Great  Britain !  But  this  discovery, 
however,  was  not  until  the  latterpart  of  the  year  1793, 
•omelS  months  after  our  citizens  had  discovered  the 
Coluinbia,  and  therefore  ei«:hteen  montha  after  this 
principle  of  continuity — if  it  has  any  application, 
•ny  force  whatever — had  extended  our  right  to  the 
Pacific.  But  admitting  that  we  throw  out  of  con- 
sideration any  advantage  we  might  claim  tothe 
Frazer  Valley  by  continuity,  and  concede  that  to 
Great  Britain,  and  then  our  title  to  the  south  of  49°, 
from  the  Rocky  mountains  to  the  Pacific,  would  be 
indisputable;  and  to  the  north  of  that  parallel  we 
would  have  the  Columbia,  and  Great  Britain  the 
Frazer  valley.  Both  these  valleys  are  now,  by  the 
treaty  of  1827,  in  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  two 
countries.  This,  then,  is  the  only  portion  of  thia 
northwest  country— the  portion  to  the  north  of  49° 
— which,  in  the  most  unfavorable  view  for  us,  can 
bo  the  proper  subject  of  diviaion.  A  line  heginnini; 
on  the  Pacific,  somewhere  between  51°  and  52°, 
and  running  along  that  parallel  to  the  Rocky  moun- 
tains, would  give  to  Great  Britain  a  portion  of  the 
teiritory  we  claim,  and  to  us  a  portion  she  claims — 
would  give  us  each  aline  of  the  Pacific  coast  equal 
to  our  Tine  on  the  Rocky  mountains,  and  would  al- 
ao secure  to  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Tennes- 
see [Mr.  Gentry]  that  straight  fence  he  so  much 
desired.  By  discovery,  settlement,  and  continuity, 
therefore,  the  whole  of  Oregon  is  ours.  Throw 
continuity  out  of  the  account,  and  confine  ua  to  dis- 
covery and  settlement,  and  we  have  the  very  clear- 
est title  to  49°,  leaving  only  the  valleya  of  the  Ore- 
gon anil  Frazer  rivers,  to  the  north  of  that  parallel, 
to  be  divided  between  ua.  A  line  between  51°  and 
52P  would  accomplish  the  most  just  or  equitable  di- 
vision; or,  in  consideration  of  our  taking  Vancou- 
ver's island,  the  line  might  be  located  on  the  Slat 
degree  of  latitude.  But  we  are  here  met  with  ati- 
otaer  propoaition  of  the  honorable  member  from 
Tenneasee,  [Mr.  Ewino,]  in  which  he  asserts  "that 
it  is  doubtful  whether  both  discovery  and  settlement  | 
give  title  to  a  nation,  unless  mode  under  government  { 
authority."  However  this  may  be,  by  the  laws  of! 
nations  Great  Britain  is  estopped,  by  the  character  I 
of  her  own  pretenaions  to  any  portion  of  this  coun- 


try, from  ifltting  up  any  such  doctrine.  Mfhat,  I 
would  ask,  is  the  oeginning,  the  very  foundation, 
of  all  the  claim  which  Great  Britain  now  sets  up  to 
any  part  of  this  country.'  Is  it  not  all  to  be  traced — 
does  ahe  not  heraelf  trace  it,  through  the  Nootka 
convention — to  the  mere  temporary  occupation  of  a 
part  of  Vancouver'a  ialand  by  Lt.  Mearca — who,  it 
IS  true,  waa  one  of  her  subjects,  but  who,  so  far 
from  acting  under  the  direction  of  the  "governmenk 
authority"  of  his  own  country,  was,  at  the  time, 
sailing  and  operating  und'T  the  Portuguese  flag. 
But,  sir,  if  it  be  true  that  "government  authoritv" 
must  accompany  diacovery  and  setllemeni,  in  oraer 
to  perfect  the  title  to  this  territory,  does  it  not  foltow 
that  Great  Britain  has  the  clear  title  to  the  whole  of 
this  northwest  territory,  because  she,  as  early  aa 
1603,  and  then  again  in  1821,  extended  her  law* 
over  it,  whilst  wo  have  n<»t,  to  this  day,  exiendai 
either  our  authority,  our  laws,  or  our  institutiona 
over  the  country?  And  does  the  gentleman  rcalTy 
ipean  to  be  understood  throughout  the  countiy  ■> 
denying  that  we  have  any  rights  in  Oregon?  I  io 
not  believe  that  he  desires  to  be  so  understood;  uhI 
yet  thia  is  the  practical  result  of  his  positions — the 
necessary  conclusion  from  his  premises. 

Thus  far  of  our  title  acquired  by  the  onterpriM 
and  adventure  of  our  own  citizena,  which  I  regaWI 
as  the  most  reliable  part  of  it.  Let  us  now  look  in- 
to our  tit!e  from  Spain,  by  the  treaty  of  1819.  By 
that  treaty  Spain  ceded  to  the  Uniteo  States  "all  bar 
rights,  claims,  and  pretensions  to  \he  northwest  ter- 
ritory." So  far  as  prior  discovery  is  coneeriMi, 
"these  rights,  claims,  and  pretenaions"  of  Spain 
extended,  and  were  complete,  as  far  north  «a  S4P 
40',  at  least.  Between  1774  and  1779,  exploring 
expeditions,  sent  out  by  their  government,  had  das- 
covered  the  Pacific  coast  as  far  north  as  the  paralial 
of  60°,  had  landed  on  it  at  various  puinu,  had  tradafi 
with  the  Indians,  and  had  taken  formal  possession 
of  the  country  in  the  name,  and  for  the  benefit,  aT 
th^ir  government.  Whereas,  the  first  English  nav- 
igator who  saw  any  portion  of  thia  coast  north  of 
42°,  waa  Cook,  in  1778,  after  every  portion  ftf  the 
coast  he  visiteil  hod  previously  been  visited  by  the 
Spaniarda,  Perez,  Heceia,  and  Bodega. 

The  government  of  Great  Britain,  however,  c<M»- 
tends  that  in  the  year  1790,  S{)ain  concluded  wkk 
her  a  treaty,  by  which  certain  righta  were  aecand 
to  Great  Britain,  in  this  Oregon  territory.  TUb 
treaty  of  1790  she  contends  is  still  in  force,  and  UmA 
the  only  effect  of  the  treaty  of  1819  waa  tr  aub^ 
tute  our  government  in  the  place  of  Spain  in  Om 
former  treaty;  But  we  contend  that  the  treaty  cT 
1790  was  abrogated  and  annulled  by  the  war  *t 
1796  between' the  two  contracting  partiea.  All  wW 
have  argued  on  this  point  seem  to  admit  that  tkcm 
are  some  treaties  which  a  subsequent  war  between 
the  contracting  parties  annul  and  destroy;  and  nu- 
merous attempts  have  been  made  to  lay  down  soaM 
general  rule,  by  which  it  may  be  determined  what 
kind  of  treaties  are  destroyed  by  war,  and  what 
kind  survive  a  hostile  conflict  between  the  partk 
It  may  perhaps  be  more  easy  to  determine  that  quM- 
tion  in  individual  cases,  which  may  present  tneOK 
selvea  to  our  minda,  than  to  lay  down  anything  Hka 
a  general  rule.  And  the  result  of  the  attempln| 
which  have  been  made,  strongly  verify  this  aaatr 
tion.  Some  gentlemen,  for  irssiance,  declare, 
genera]  rule,  that  all  commercial  treaties  are  ab 
gated  by  war.  Thia,  as  a  {general  rule,  is  not  co 
prehensive  enough;  for  it  is  certain  that  the  Ir 
ties  which  are  not  commercial  in  their  cha 


MlmJ^A^    Mk(.kM 


6 


«rc  nifio  terminated  by  o  wwr  betwten  t'l  ?  p;irties. 
A  ireniy  nirtntive  rnd  ddcnpive  in  of  tl.ii:  '■lii.iurUr. 
Aiiothrr  gwntlfmiir. — I  mnnn  ilie   lior.on'ilc  infmlic'r 
from  South  CMioli'ui,  [Mr.  Holmes] — li  h  ti v  i!  lis 
«kill  on  tliis  poir.t,  and,  will!    all  dvn;  ilcfcio.no,  liis 
uttcnipt  ri'nKM  Mjiiany   Khnrt  nt  l!iC'  riia'.I:,    il"  iioi 
more  BO.     lie  (miiUikI"!)  thnt  ihocr   t...'ii;',..i  v.!iic!i 
confer  priviK''gi'i>,  are  uliroijatfil  Ly  war;  v/liltt  iliosr 
wliicli  cpiUVr  ii'.;hts,  icniiun   luitiuiilic  1.     Tliin,  rs  n 
scnernl   rule,  i^i  ffilui'ily   wauling   nf  (l'st::ictr.i'Bi, 
fo:- some  privili  ft;t  nrc  inosiceitiiiiily  ri^ilii.''.    Tlic: 
only  distinrtion  wliicli  Pivura  tn  inc   to  Ij":  iit  w\i:r 
seniiiblc  and  c<inii'r»ihcnsivc,  i.i   ihiit  wlii;!i   I'.i'Iuits 
that  executed  Irentii.'.;  nrc  ni)t  H(ri".ltil    liy  u  wnrlie 
twccn  tho  portico;  wliil.'t  llin.**  t!ial  ore;  Uii;  xcci!',i'!l— 
thnne   whir;h   nri;  fxcculviry — 'hcco   M!.ir!i    a:e  (;i- 
Jioi,  Brc;iiiniilltil.    Trniics,  f  j/iiiEt.;i.:e,  v  mIcIi  t.>  t- 
tlo    boundaries — wliic'i    limit    'r    cr.;.f;r  ti'.'iii,-ii!al 
rights,  ni'i;  uruiffcc'.cJ   by  iiiiy  and   tu-ry  cKr.iii^e  i.i 
tho  re lalionH  ljr:t«ecn  the  two  nir>i!i'c.i.     TIij  lrt.,i- 
ty  of   17!>0  hi'uprn   Spain   an.l   G.v.a!   Priiaji   is' 
clearly  cm  lirwi!  ill  til  f  l.iili.'r  c!:i.-s.     !l|iiiviJ  d  To; 
trade  wiUi  tlic  Iirllu..',,  ar.d   f -r  tell' ■i.un' ••,  i'..i  tlu' 
purposes  of  trade,  nnd  i'.ir  iliat  iiiir[)vi»o  ./.'ily.    Tiie 
right  to  inako  srtll  mr-iils  (V.ii,  hy  no   fur  cii.-.Kinir,- 
tion,  be  r.'^arded  lu;  a  ii;l,l  w  aiviMrutalf  1<  iii'.Ty. 
Sfuch  a  coris'liuutiijn  i,s  not  warranted  \:y  tin   una  ii- 
Liguou3  i.icaiiir'r  (.f  I'l^-   terms  i'tii|il'.yi/i!;  ami  w1.<-m 
we  refer  to   cxti-ani-ons    coiuiidoia'ioni,    in    order 
(o  aid  U9  ir   r.omii'jr  f'  i!n<   moanin,:  of  tlio  jv.rtioH, 
tliisconstnirti'iii  Ur.s  rrill  less  on  which  to  slanii.    If 
territorial  rights  were  inicndrd  to  be  s.ecuri  I,  it  is  o 
I'lflcction  to  snpivise  tl-.ut  two  nuch   iiii.-rijjcm  na- 
tions would  not   havi;  rmploycd  Icfis  crjiiivocal  an.! 
more  preciso  and  definiii;  terms.    Siill  Ir.;.:  :•«»  it  Im 
believed  that  Great  Krilain,  wlio  won  t!ie  p.irty  lo  I'c 
benefited,  would  liav  lo'"t  such  essential  and  potn-.n- 
nent  rights  to  impiicuiion  and  conatniciion.     h  i.s 
only  when  she  seeks  lo  extend   her  cloiois  f.ir  Ik!- 
yond  the  meaning  and  intention  of  thepowfr  with. 
which  «kc  ia  tiealing,  that  she  employs  (^ov.htl'iil 
and  ambignons  phiasf-.s    It  is  by  the  arti  and  tVi.-ks 
of  diplomacy,  she  aims  to  accomplish  her  wi.-slic.', 
■when  more  open  und  direct  means  have  failed  of 
success.    Again,  at  the  time  when  this  treaty  v. atr 
made,  and  for  many  y(i.rs  before,  Spai.i  aicuiod  to 
be  beset  with  a  perfect  monomania  for  thr  ;"":;ni- 
aition  of  territory — for  ihcdiRcovery  of  new  islands 
and  new  continents.     Her  esplorinf^  vessels   were 
sent  out  into  every  sea,  and  to  the  uttermost  puts 
ofrthe  earth,  in  srarcli  of  some  new  spo;  or.  which 
to  plant  the  standard  of  !ier  enterprise  and  power. 
Is  the  idea  that  the  treaty  of  1790,  acknowledged 
joint  territorinl  rights  in   this  noriliwent  territory, 
which  was  clearly  the  property  of  Spiin   by  dis- 
'  ■  ■  li 


«ovory,  between  these  two  nations,  consistent  will 
the  avarice  of  Spain — with  her  rage  for  tho  acipiisi- 
<ioh  of  more  land?  Is  it  to  be  credited  that  she 
would  thus  surrender  the  darling;  of  hef  alTections, 
tht  object  of  all  her  self-sacrificin;  efforts,  without 
even  astru?*!*  to  maintain  and  preserve  them.' 

f«  it  nr>t  more  natural,  more  consi.stent  with  the 
circumstances  of  the  two  nations  at  that  time,  to  be- 
lieve that  Great  Britain  represented  to  Spain  what 
ah*  now  say.<i  to  uk,  that  she  did  not  desire  the 
country  for  the  purpose  of  making;  permanent  set- 
liementa,  but  as  afTordinG:  facilities  of  trade  with  the 
Indians  for  its  furs.  This  facility,  this  privilege  of 
trade,  we  might  welt  suppose  that  Spain  would  be Wil- 
lingr,  for  valuable  considerations,  to  grant,  inasmuch 
as  the  eountry  was  only  desirable  to  her  ns  a  future 
abode  for  her  citizens,  and  for  the  precious  metals 


which  might  aboimd  in  the  bosom  of  ita  mountain*. 
.M('rcover,if  the  treaty  of  1790  was  an  approprialion 
on  the  part  of  those  powert  of  tho  Oregon  territory, 
ia  it  not  a  little  remarkable  that  soon  aflor  the  cleso 
of  the  laNt  war,  Great  Britain  should  have  placed 
the  United  Statex  in  posiicMion  of  a  portion  of  thia 
very  territory  which  had  been  taken  from  the  latter 
ilniini;  tliulnxt  war?  Can  she  admit,  without  in- 
vrilvin^  herself  in  dishonor,  that  she  surrendered  to 
our  g.ivcrnment  nt  that  lime  territory  wliich  she 
now  urgen  belonged  to  heroolf  and  Spain?  Is 
it  not  more  ensy  to  believe  that  this  right  to  the  ler* 
ritory  i:'  nll.an  afliir  thought  of  hera,  pressetl  now 
with  the  Kretter  pertinacity  because  of  our  oAer  to 
compromiue,  because  of  our  tacit  acknowledgment, 
'  p  nil''  coNbtrues  it,  that  she  had  permanent  rights 
tlnrc? 

Ci-nilcmcn  have  been  pleaacd,  Mr.  Chairman,  to 
'•(jr.!i.i,:r  iWui  (piosiioii  in  its  bearing  upon  the 
pcacrriil  rel  '.lions  of  the  two  countries,  ond  I  trust  I 
a!ia!l  U'  paii'onrd  if  I  (>!iou!d  So  far  imitate  the  ex- 
aiiiple  v/!iich  hac  oi'en  Bot  n;)  to  cxprcH.>i  my  fipin- 
lo'.ii'on  tliai  po!."it.  I  venture  to  .<i«y  liiat  no  one 
would  df|ircciitc  More  tlinn  iny^clf a  war  with  Eng- 
!at,il,  or  wil'i  any  other  powiir.  I  truwt  that  1  feel 
a  jii  :t  njijirocialion  of  tlie  hor.id  calamities  of  war — 
ll,.'  (llVuiion  of  blon>I  it  would  produce,  the  loss  of 
lilV  it  wi/iild  o('ca!)loii,  the  injury  to  coiiimtrce  it 
won!.]  cflrect.  But  ih'-ge  arc  the  invariable  and  uii- 
;rv,iid.i!.!i'f fleets  of  all  w.tr;  ed'-cls  which  would  bo 
vioi'c  I  on  Cireai  Hrilain  in  a  dtgrcc  equal,  at  least, 
to  what  we  mi^flit  experience  ol  them.  And  if  the 
invariable  and  unavoida'dcefTcctr^of  wnraretobe  ef- 
fti:ii.ftllv  urijtd  o!;ninfit  the  ninintcnance  of  our  juKt 
rin'ilf,  it  retpiires  no  Solomon  to  see  that  tfieso 
rii;hts  an"  forever  to  lie  abandoned  wheiiover  their 
asserti  )n  wotdd,  by  the  moot  remote  jn-obability, 
lead  us  into  a  conflict  with  another  people.  It  ap« 
pears  to  me  that  in  aicertaining  our  right».  and  in 
r.oniin°;  to  a  determination  to  vindicatu  them,  con- 
yidcnitionB  of  pcare  or  war  should  not  be  allowed 
to  exercise  a  con'rolling  inflnence.  In  case  of  doubt 
a'id  uncertainly  as  to  our  rights,  I  admit  that  they 
slnudd  be  allowed  to  turn  the  scale  in  favor  of  a 
compromise,  or,  if  necessary,  an  abandonment  of 
our  pretensions.  But  when  our  rights  arc  "clear 
and  indif^putable,"  as  clear  as  a  sun-beam,  as  we 
have  beri!  taught  to  rog.-^rd  them  in  respect  to  Ore- 
:.^on,  it  will  not  do  to  listen  to  them,  unluiis  wc  are 
prci)a!cd  to  deprecate  war  on  any  occa-iion,  and  for 
any  purpose.  It  appears  to  me,  sir,  that  the  exam- 
ple of  our  revolutionary  fathers  is  the  only  proper 
one  in  such  rases,  and  one  which  recommends  itself 
to  our'moBt  favorable  consideration.  When  they 
w.-re  al)otit  to  engage  in  a  conflict  with  the  dreaded 
power  of  Great.  Britain,  and  that,  too,  at  a  time 
wlirn  the  odds  were  a  hundred-fold  greater  against 
them  tlian  they  arc  against  us,  did  they  stop  to  cal- 
culate the  consequences  of  the  truly  appalling  con- 
test in  which  they  were  about  to  cngaga'  No,  sir. 
They  but  satisfied  themselves  of  their  rights,  and 
they  went  ahead  to  vindicate  them,  leaving  the  con- 
sequences to  Him  who  rules  the  destinie-i  of  nations 
as  well  as  of  individuals.  Their  sufTerings,  and 
los.ses,  and  hazards  were  far  more  startling  than  any 
that  can  possibly  befa)  us.  Their  sulTerings  were 
imprinted  by  their  bloody  foot-steps  on  the  frozen 
earth — their  loss,  if  overwhelmed,  would  have  been 
the  loss  nf  freedom — their  hazard  was  that  of  reap- 
ing the  death  nf  the  traitor,  and  the  ignominy  of 
the  rebel — suffering,  and  losses,  and  hazards  which 
in  no  possible  event  can  come  to  us. 


I; 

V 

S 


V 


-«s 


■.a.i»RA««*' 


I 


^ni  or  ita  mountain*, 
liwriin  •ppropritjion 
fo  Orepon  territory. 
I'O""  «ft«r  the  cl.io 
P'ould  have  ptaced 
prill  portion  of  thi. 
f  Kon  from  the  latter 
J  admit,  without  in- 
l«no  surrendered  to 

If  and;  Spain?  I, 
|ii«  right  to  the  ter. 
1  neis,  preaaed  now 
Pne  of  our  offer  to 
■t  ncknowlcdjment 
I  permanent  righu 

Mr.  Chnirman,  to 
'f'."-")g  upon  the 
lilies,  and  I  trust  I 
'«r  muinie  the  ex. 
xi)re««  my    „pin. 

««y  thai  no  one 
f^»  wnr  will,  Eng. 
' Jrmt  that  1  fe|| 

[■"'Ji'Cl',  the  loss  of 
III  ciiiunieice    it 
ivnriahle  and   „„. 
I  winch  would  bo 

''cm.  And  if  the 
"  wnrnrelobeef- 
innceof  our  juit 

whenever  their 
niolc  probahilitv 
'  people.  It  apl 
['  "«ht».  and  in 
ic«<«'  ihem,  con- 

"ot  be  allowed 

in  case  of  doubt 

ad-nit  tliut  they 
'le  in  fiivor  of  i 
abandoDrnent  of 
i«ht8  are  "clear 
n-hcam,  as  we 
respect  to  Ore. 
I  unless  we  are 
wuiion,  and  for 

tliat  the  exam- 
ple only  pr„p„ 
ommends  itself 

.  When  they 
ih  the  dreaded 

'"°.«la  time 
Teator  against 
-y  stop  to  cal. 
"PPoJIin^  con- 
?ge?    No,  sir. 
"■.  "ghis.and 
ivinj  the  con- 
lai  of  nations 
mennge,  and 
'J^g  than  any 
TerrngB  were 
"the  frozen 
l«l  have  been 
""t  of  reap, 
fnorainy  of 
wda  which 


Sueh  waa  tke  ipirit  that  actuated  our  aneeaton 
then,  and  aueh  I  believe  to  be  the  spirit  by  which  a 
Iar||«  portion  oflhe  American  people  are  actuated 
now.  If  war  therefore  ah ould  unfortunately  grow 
out  of  thia  matter,  iia  responsibility,  whatever  it 
may  be,  whether  for  glory  or  for  shame,  must  and 
will  nst  upon  those  who  have  proved  before  the 
American  people  their  clear  and  indisputable  title  to 
the  whole  of  Orei^on.  Convinced  that  it  is  theirs, 
they  win  be  unwilling  to  yield  a  single  inch.  When 
required  to  do  so,  they  will  desire  to  know  why  it 
is  urged.  And  what  will  you  tell  them?  You  can- 
not tell  them  that  our  title  is  involved  in  doubt  and 
uncertainty;  and,  therefore,  that  it  i'  a  fitsub|ect  for 
compromise.  You  cannot  toll  them  that,  because 
you  have  already  convinced  them,  that  our  title  to 
the  whole  of  it  is  clear  and  unquestionable.  It  will 
not  do  to  tell  them  that  the  country  is  poor,  not 
worth  having,  and  that  we  would  miike  a  good 
bargain  to  give  it  away.  It  could  not  but  occur  to 
them  that  it  would  be  worth  as  much  to  ur  as  to 
Great  Britain.  You  would  have  to  como  out  with 
the  honest,  bare-faced  confession,  that  you  wanted 
to  give  it  away  in  order  to  appease  her  wrath — in 
order  to  avert  her  power — in  order  to  avoid  the  con- 
flict with  her,  which  would  benecesiiary  tomniniain 
our  rights.  Such  appears  to  me  to  be  the  com- 
plexion of  the  case,  so  far  as  regards  all  thns?  who 
think  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  is  clear  and 
indisputable,  and  are  still  willing  to  give  up  a  por- 
tion of  it. 

Now  will  the  assertion  of  our  manifest  and  ack- 
rowledged  rights,  of  our  clear  and  unquestionable 
title  to  the  Oregon  territory,  involve  us  in  a  war? 
And  here  I  will  take  occasion  to  observe,  tlint  what 
I  shall  say  in  this  ronnexion,  as  well  as  what  has 
been  said  by  others  here,  is  at  best  but  idle  and  vague 
.  conjecture.  1  deem  this  avowal  necessary,  for  (ear 
it  may  be  supposed  by  some  of  my  constituents  that 
I  waa  in  possession  of  some  facts  unknown  to  them, 
on  which  I  predicaic  my  opinion.  For  their  infor- 
mation, it  may  not  be  amiss  to  state,  that  I  know  ho 
more  about  the  matter  than  what  has  been  publish- 
ed and  sent  forth  to  the  world,  and  upon  which 
they  can  speculate  as  much,  and  perhaps  more  cer- 
tainty than  I  can.  I  will  not  stop  to  inquire  wheth- 
■ev  the  mere  giving  the  notice  is  a  just  cause  of  war. 
I  consider  the  notice  as  preliminary  only  to  the 
adoption  of  such  measures  as  may  be  necessary  to 
maintain  our  rights,  wliatever  they  mny  be,  in  the 
Oregon  territory.  It  is  evident  that  the  Prcsideutso 
regards  it,  when  he  says  in  his  message,  "at  the 
end  of  the  year's  notice,  should  Congress  think 
proper  to  make  provision  fur  giving  that  notice,  we 
ahall  have  reached  a  period  when  the  national 
rights  in  Oregon  must  either  be  abandoned  or  firm- 
ly maiatained."  It  is  the  effect,  therefore,  of  the 
measure*  which  are  to  follow  the  notice,  and  with- 
out which  the  notice  would  be  an  idle  mockery, 
and  not  of  the  notice  itself,  to  which  we  must  direct 
•our  attention,  when  arguing  the  probable  consequen- 
ces of  ovtr  conduct  in  this  matter.  The  portion  o{ 
that  territory  to  which  we  may  lay  claim,  and  the 
courae  which  we  are  to  pursue  in  order  to  establish 
our  exclusive  authority  in  it,  are  the  proper  conside- 
rations to  be  taken  in  the  account  when  we  under- 
take to  anai^er  the  question  whether  there  will  be 
war.  And  here  I  would  observe,  that  my  opinion 
on  this  queation  is  entitled  to  but  little  weight  when 
put  in  opposition  to  the  opinion  of  the  hutnblest  citi- 
zen in  this  country.  Unsophisticated  in  the  arts  of  di- 
jilomacy,  wholly  unacquainted  with  the  arts  of  craf> 


tT  politicians,  accustomed  to  look  at  thinfs  h  I  ss« 
tnera,  and  hear  them,  and  read  them,  and  to  form  my 
opinion   accordingly,  it  may  be  that  I  am  daeeii^ed 
by  false  appearances.    But  if  much  that  I  sea,  and 
hear,  and  read,  be  not  intended  for  other  times — for 
the  year  1848,  for  instance— if  there  bo  nothing  of 
scenic  cfTact  in  all  that  atrikes  my  viaion,  I  ahould 
aay  that  the  prospect  of  a  war  between  this  country 
and  Qreat  Britain, about  thisOregon  territory,  is  v^ 
ry  far  from  being  visionary  and  chimerical.    I  do 
not  say  that  we  are  to  have  it  the  next  week,  or  the 
next  month,  nor  perhaps  the  next  year.     But  if  it 
shall  not  come  before  two  years,  it  cannot  but  bare- 
garded  aa  imminent  and  impending,  for  it  will  take 
until  that  time  to  get  ready  for  it.    When  I  say  that 
the  prospect  of  a  war  is  far  from  being  visionary,  1 
take  it  for  grinted  that  we  are  to  go  in  for  the  whole 
territory — nothing  more  nor  nothing  less.   A  major- 
ity of  the  people  are  for  the  whole  of  it — a  majority 
of  their  representatives,  I  believe,  are  for  the  whole 
of  it — and    the   President  appears  to  be  for  the 
whole  of  it;  nor  do  I  believe  that  the   President 
will  accept  shy  tiling  short  of  the  whole  of  it.    Can 
nny    person    believe  otherwise  of  his  views?    Sir, 
I    have   great    confidence    in    that_  officer — more 
than  all,  1  have  groat  confidence  in  his   candor, 
a   quality    which    has   laid   hold  on    the  feelings 
of   the    people;    and    which,    as    much    as    any 
other,  and,  perhaps,  more  than  all  others  he  pos- 
sesses, has  given  him  an  abiding  place  in  the  very 
affections  of  the  people.    He  declarea  that  our  title 
to. the  whole  of  it  is  "clear  and  unqueationablsr '* 
It  is  true,  that  in  obedience  to  the  actions  of  his  pre- 
decessors, he  submitted  a  lino  of  boundary  to  tho 
British  government,  which,  if  accepted,  would  have 
given  us  less  than  the  whole  country.     But  no  soon- 
er is  the  ofTer  rejected,  than  he  instantly  puta  an  end 
to  further  negotiation,  as  if  rejoiced  that  na.is  rid  of 
the  trammels  by  which  he  is  surrounded;  as  if  glad 
that  ho  is  at  last  thrown  upon  his  own  resources  and 
left   to   follow    the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment. 
From  considerations  like  these,  I  do  not  believe  that 
the  President  will  accept  anything  abort  of  the  en- 
tire country.    And  if '.e  are  to  take  possession  of 
I  he  whole  territory,  can  gentlemen  be  really  sincere 
in  thfl  declaration,  oft  made  and  oft  repeated,  that  we 
arc  to  have  no  conflict  ?    Can  members  bring  them- 
selves really  to  believe  that  Great  Britain  will  suffer 
her  citizens  to  \xi  quietly,  peaceably,  and  uncereino- 
niously  dispossessed   of  their     present     position 
throughout  that  whole  country,  without  making an^ 
effort  to  sustain  them— without  raising  so  much  as 
her  right  arm  in  order  to  stay  the  hand  of  the'spoil- 
er  ?    They  who  thus  count  upon  her  tame  submis- 
sion, and  most  speedy  abandonment  of  her  preten- 
sions, seem  to  have  forgotten  her  pride-j-her  ambi- 
tion— her  avarice  for  territory.    They  blindly  dose 
their  eyes  to  what  the  events  of  the  fsw  last  years 
cannot  have  failed  to  impress  upon  the  government 
of  Great  Britain— and  that  is,  that  sooner  or  later,  she 
will  have  to  strike  a  blow  for  even  a  foothold  on  this 
North  American  continent;  nay,  that  she  will  have 
to  strike  it  now,  strike  it  for  Oregon,  or  submit  seoa 
to  see  the  sceptre  of  her  power  forever  removed)    If 
she  falter  now,  her  doom  is  sealed.    This  she  can- 
not fail  to  see  and  to  feel,  and  seeing  and  feeling  i^  ile^ 
pend  upon  it,  this  taking  posseasion  of  the  whole  of 
Oregon  will  be  no  holyday  business,  as  a  distin- 
guished senator,  [Mr.  Wbbstbs,]  once  said,  when 
encountering  the  popularity  and  power  of  th^nere  of 
New  Orieans.  And,  8ir,if,  after  notice,  we  consent  to 
limit  our  claim  by  the  49lh  deg.,  I  still  have  my  fears 


-*  #  ♦ 


j.iSt.E;.*  ^lumM 


— t-«>K«A 


T 


**■■.»<  .>»^lgl..«.V..,^.. 


tiMt  (TUi  thvi  WW  ia  not  ifflprob«bl«.  I  am  aware 
that  the  pteM  of  thia  country,  and  the  politicians,  too, 
have  ezprcMMl  a  lup*,  and  many  or  them  a  belief, 
that  the  dUTereneea  vill  all  be  amicably  adjtiated. 
We  haVi  alto,  within  a  week  or  two  pant,  heard 
from  the  preaa  of  the  other  party,  and 
they,  too,  expreia  the  hope,  and  most  of 
them  a  belief,  that  the  two  countries  will  yet 
peaceably  settle  their  present  controversy.  This, 
air,  ia  creditable  to  the  humanity  of  the  two  peo- 
ple. But  when  the  press  and  the  politicians  of  the 
reapeetive  parties  attempt  to  specify  the  manner  in 
which  it  may  be  peaceably  compromiaed,  you  at 
once  peroeive  that  their  hopes  are  delusive.  On  our 
I  aidetne  49th  degree  seems  to  be  the  ultimatum  with 

'  aaeh  party,and  with  every  man.  On  the  part  of  Great 

Britain  it  is  the  49lh  degree,  with  Vancouvcr'H  inland 
i|i  «nd  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia.    This,  sir, 

ia  the  difference,  with  some  variation,  which  has 
it  aeparated  the  two  countries  for  the  laft  twenty-five 

"  or  thirty  years.     And  the    question  stiil  occurs, 

which  will  recede  from  its  pretensions }  Can  any 
one  propose  that  our  country  shall  recede  further 
than  the  49tth  degree?  And  who  can  say  with  any 
certainty,  or  proMbility  even,  that  G.eat  Britain  will 
curtail  her  demands.  .The  free  n.ivi{;ation  of  the 
Columbia  appears  to  be  the  tine  qua  non  of  all  her 
offers  to  compromise,  und  that  the  President  lias 
declared  he  Mnnot  accede  to;  and  for  this  determin- 
ation I  believe  he  will  receive  a  hearty  and  almost 
universal  response  from  the  whole  American  peo- 
ple. _  Oreai  Britain  may  recede,  and  I  sincerely 
trust 'sh'i  will;  but  as  yet  I  hsve  seen  no  evidence  of 
it.  Of  this  I  have  my  fears,  and  upon  these  fears 
rest  my  apprehension  that  this  matter  will  sooner  or 
later  interrupt  the  peaceful  relations  of  the  two  gov- 
ernmentc. 

On  our  side,  also,  there  is  much  which  has  trans- 
pired of  late  which  is  calculated  to  prepare  the 
minds  of  the  people  for,  and  to  hasten  on,  a  con- 
flict between  these  two  great  and  powerful  govern- 
ments. Irritation  has  succeeded  irritation,  and  ag- 
gression has  followed  aggression,  until  our  people 
aeem  to  be  not  only  ready,  but  many  of  them  aiix- 
ioua,  for  a  conflict  with  that  haughty  power.  In 
the  fint  place,  the  people  of  the  United  States  look 
upon  Great  Britain  as  having  overreached  us  in 
theaettlementof  the  northeast  boundaiy,  and  that, 
too,  by  fraud  and  imposition.  They  have  not  for- 
gotten that  her  statesmen  held  up  in  the  British 
radiament,  before  the  face  of  the  whole  world,  a 
map  which  waa  in  their  poesession  during  the  ne- 
gotiation, in  order  to  show  what  they  had  gain- 
M  over  us  by  management  and  art,  and  as  an  evi- 
deiiee  of  our  ignorance  or  of  our  submission. 
Thia  fact  haa  aunk  deep  in  the  bosom  of  the  Amer- 
ican people,  and  disposes  them  to  Anything  rather 
than  a  twcking  out  of  their  pretensions  to  the 
Oregon  territory.  Her  secret  and  officious  interfe- 
rence also  with  the  authorities  of  Texas,  in  order  to 
deftat  the  great  project  of  her  annexation  to  this 
country,  ia  of  too  recent  origin  to  have  lost  any  of 
ita  atirring  and  harrowing  eflect  on  the  public  mind. 
To  thiamav  be  added  her  interference  with  a  colony 
planted  under  our  auspices  on  the  coast  of  Africa — 
her  claiming,  and  in  aome  few  cases  exercising,  the 
right  of  searching  our  trading  vessels  in  the  Mediter- 
*  ranean — and  last,  though  not  least,  her  avowal  of  a 
(determination  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  on 
%hi8  continent — a  determination  which  she  has  al- 
>>-eady  commenced  tu  enforce  among  the  South 
imerican  atatea,  and  which,  at  some  convenient 


time,  if  we  fail  now  to  act  with  daeiaion  and  tlm;- 
ness,  she  will  seek  to  extend  to  ua.  It  ia  in  view  of 
all  iheaeeonaiderationaofaggreasionon  the  one  eide, 
and  of  irritation  on  the  other,  that  I  am  conatrain- 
ed  to  say  that  I  have  my  fears  that  the  peace  of  Iho 
country  does  not  reat  on  such  a  sure  foundation  as' 
aome  seem  to  suppose.  I  repeat  it,  air,  that  mv 
opinion  ia  entitled  to  but  little  weight,  for  after  all, 
it  is  vague  speculation;  and  I  am  willing  to  admit 
that  from  my  extreme  ignorance  of  the  w^  in 
which  thimc!  things  are  managed,  I  may  be  most 
grossly  deceived  by  appearances.  But  I  agrea 
w>  h  the  honorable  member  from  Massachusetts, 
V  ho  sits  usually  behind  me,  [Mr.  Wintiirop,]  that 
we  should  speak  plainly  in  this  matter.  Whatever 
our  rights  in  that  country  are,  I  go  for  maintaining 
them  at  every  hazard. 

But  sir,  even  among  those  who  are  agreed  as  to 
our  right  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  theie  is  a  diversity 
of  opinion  as  to  the  best  manner  of  a  Asserting  and 
securing  our  rights  there.  Whilst  one  portion  of 
its  friends  are  decided  in  the  opinion  that  we  should 
come  boldly  out — declare  our  claims  before  the 
world  and  prepare  to  defend  it  if  necessary  with  the 
strong  might  of  the  country's  arm — there  ia 
another  portion  who  are  for  leaving  it  to  .tim<<  and 
emigration  quietly  and  peacefully  to  effect  the  lame 
result.  It  appears  to  me  that  time  and  emigration 
have  been  looked  to  long  enough  to  adjudge  and  de- 
cide this  matter.  Twenty-five  or  thirty  years  ago, 
this  name  matter  was  left  to  the  arbitrament  of  time, 
and  it  may  be  asked,  what  is  now  the  state  of  the- 
■case.'  Why,  sir,  we  nre  now  further  from  a  deci- 
sion of  it  than  when  it  was  tirst  submitted  to  that  tri- 
bunal. The  two  governments  nre  actually  getting 
further  and  further  apart  all  the  while  in  their  efforts 
to  bring  about  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of  that  mat- 
ter. And  pray,  sir,  what  has  emigration  done  all 
the  while.'  It  too  has  been  tardy  and  inefficient,  and 
is  now  altogether  hopeless.  It  is  true,  that  there 
are  now  in  Oregon  some  seven  thousand  Americans, 
but  the  time  when  these  seven  thousand  people  went 
there  is  an  important  inquiry  in  this  connexion.  I 
would  ask,  if  it  be  not  true  that  they  have  nearly 
or  quite  all  of  them  gone  there  since  the  spring  of 
1844,  when  the  democratic  party  in  convention  at 
Baltimore  declared  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon? 
and  if  it  be  not  true,  that  yet  n  larger  portion  of 
these  have  gone  there  since  the  people  of  this  coun- 
try, in  the  great  popular  election  of  1844,  ratified 
and  confirmed  this  declaration?  Mr.  Greenhow 
states,  in  his  History  of  Oregon,  that  so  late  as 
the  fall  of  184.3  there  were  but  four  hundred 
Americans  in  the  whole  territory.  These,  then,  are  . 
the  assurances  that  have  carried  them  there — assu- 
rances that  the  country  was  ours,  that  it  was  to  be 
taken  under  our  own  dominion,  and  that  they 
would  be  protected  by  our  laws.  Refuse  now  to 
give  the  notice,  and  thereby  manifest  a  distrust  of 
our  title,  or  a  backwardness  in  adopting  measures, 
to  maintain  it,  aiid  you  will  not  only,  in  my  opinion, 
effectually  arrest  emigration  thither,  but  that  thou- 
sands of  those  who  have  already  gone  there  will  re- 
turn to  the  States.  Or  if  emigration  shall  be  continued, 
it  will  be  limited  entirely  to  Ae  south  of  the  Columbia, 
and  thus  will  give  to  Great  Britain  all  that  she  dc- 
sires.  I  must  confess,  that  I  have  no  confidence  in 
the  wonder-working-effects  of  "inactivity,"' whether 
it  be  called  wise  and  masterly,  or  stupid  and  bun- 
gling. It  never  has  done  anything  either  for  nationa 
or  for  individuals.  Activity  is  the  main-spring  of  suc- 
cess and  prosperity  in  all  our  undertakings.    Accor- 


j^   » 


,* 


i^-^^mm  »,»•-»- 


..^  a*  A^fc«>^m,<<rf 


'■   •• 41.    ..-♦    * 


i^^ 


d« 


-■aitf.i... . .. 


r,^ 


of  the 

may 

But 


iaiQn  and  tim|> 
It  ii  in  Tiew  of 
on  the  one  bide, 
I  am  conitrain- 
he  peace  of  Iht  ■ 
I  foundation  at' 
I,  air,  that  mr 
it,  for  after  all, 
villing  to  admit 
viay  in 
be  moat 
I  agret 
Maiiachuwtta, 
(''iNTiiRop,]  that 
ler.  Whatever 
for  maintaining 

ftre  agreed  aa  to 
lie  is  n  divereity 
a  RMcrting  and 
one  portion  of 

that  we  should 
ma  before  the 
eaaary  with  tha 
arm — there     ia 

it  to  .tiri!''  and 
effect  thf)  lume- 
and  emigration 
adjudge  and  de- 
lirty  yeara  ago, 
trament  of  time, 
the  state  of  tho- 
er  from  a  dtci- 
litted  to  that  tri- 
BCtunlly  getting 
I  in  their  efTorts 
ent  of  that  mat- 
uration done  all 

inefRcient,  and 
true,  that  there 
and  Americana, 
ind  people  went 

connexion.  I 
ley  have  nearly 
w  the  spring  of 
n  convention  at 
hole  of  Oregon? 
rger  portion  of 
ie  of  this  coun- 

1844,  raUfied 
Mr.  Greenhow. 
that  so  late  as 

four  hundred 
rhese,  then,  are  . 
!m  there — aaau- 
lat  it  waa  to  be 

and  that  they 
Refuse  now  to 
St  a  distrust  of 
ipting  measures. 

in  my  opinion, 

but  that  thou- 
le  there  will  re- 
ill  be  continued, 
f  the  Columbia, 
all  that  she  de- 
10  confidence  in 
ivity,"' whether 
tupid  and  bun- 
ther  for  nation* 
n>8pring  of  s'uc- 
tkinga.   Accor* 


(ling  to  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
RniTT,!  ottr  revolutionary  (atbert  tried  botii,  and 
the  letolt  of  their  oxperiment  ia  ■  glorious  eommen- 
tary  upon  the  snperiority  of  deurmination— of  firm* 
neaa,  of  a«(i«ily.  We  are  told  by  him  that  they  en- 
dured for  ten  yeara  the  hardahips,  and  onpreaaiona, 
and  exactions  of  the  mother  country,  before  they 
took  up  arma  to  redress  themselves;  nnd  we  are  wl- 
moniahed  to  imitate  the"  patient  forbearance.  But 
what  did  this  forbearance  effect  for  them?  liiactivity 
but  brought  upon  them  an  accumulation  of  wro.ngs, 
an  increase  of  exactions,  and  an  addition  .of  hard- 
ships. It  waa  activity — a  Arm  and  open  uvowal 
of  their  righia,  and  a  determined  etTort  to  maintain 
them — that  worked  out  a  vindication  of  their  rights, 
and  a  redresa  of  all  thrir  grievances.  Let  ua  imi- 
tate them  in  their  last  resolve — let  us  declare  our 
right  not  merely  to  establish  forte  and  post-routes, 
but  our  right  to  the  territory,  to  the  soil — and  by  the 
time  we  shall  need  them,  we  have  tit\y  thousand 
people  in  Oregon.  Instead  of  seven  thousand  men, 
women,  and  children,  we  shall  have  twice  that  ni  r, 
ber  of  fighting- men— men  of  nerve  and  skill  in  the 
use  of  tne  deadly  rihe — ready  and  on  the  npot  to 
defend  their  homes  and  their  firesides.    But  ihon" 

gentlemen  who  promise  to  get  for  us  the  whole  m' 
iregon  if  we  will  not  pass  the  notice,  tell  ua  that 
their  plan  will  not  lead  to  war.  Theirs  is  t'  "  p  tcific 
policy,  if  we  would  trust  to  their  skill  in  prophecy. 
But  let  us  analyze  their  plan  and  see  how  it  is  to 
work  in  practice.  They,  like  us,  advocate  our 
right  to  th"  whole,  and  that  we  shall  take  posses- 
sion of  it,  or  e.-ieourage  our  people  to  do  so. 

The  only  diiTirence  between  us  is,  that  we  pro- 
pose to  notify  Great  Britain  of  our  intentions— they 
propose  to  do  the  same  thing  without  any  notice. 
Well,  how  do  they  propose  to  take  (losoesHion? 
Why,  by  erecting  forts,  by  entabliahin^  post  offices 
and  post  routes,  and  by  extending  our  laws  over  our 
emigrants,  and  by  encouraging  them  to  make  per- 
manent settlements  in  the  country,  and  to  reduce 
and  cultivate  the  earth.  And  all  this  is  to  be  done 
throughout  the  whole  extent  from  49"  to  54<^  40'. 
To  limit  these  establishments  to  the  Columbia,  or 
by  the  49°,  is  at  once  to  admit  that  you  intend  to 
surrender  the  balance  of  the  territory.  Can  Great 
Britain  fail  to  see  in  all  this  a  determination  to  oust 
her  from  the  country?  Is  she  so  blind  that  she  can- 
not see — so  deaf  that  she  cannot  hear— so  dull  that 
she  cannot  understand?  Think  you  that  our  actions 
will  not  apeak  to  her  louder  than  any  words  we 
could  employ?  Will  not  our  forts,  and  our  militia, 
and  onr  farms,  and  our  workshops,  apeak  to  her 
in  language  stronger  than  what  we  can  put  into  any 
written  notice^  we  ean  serve  upon  her,  and  tell  her 
of  our  determination  to  appropriate  the  whole  coun- 
try? And  if  she  is  determined  to  retain  any  portion 
of  it,  will  she  not  prepare  to  do  it  at  once,  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  and  at  the  cannon's  mouth? 
To  expect  anything  else,  is  to  calculate  largely  upon 
the  blindness  or  tame  submission  of  that  haughty 
power.  The  geiuiemen  appear,  themselves,  to  hove 
some  apprehension  after  all  that  their  plan  nlay 
not  work  so  peacefully  and  quietly;  and  they  attempt 
to  prepare  and  reconcile  us  to  the  war  which  their 
plan  may  bring  about  by  telling  us  that  it  will  make 
Great  Britain  the  aggressor;  and  they  amplify  most 
eloquently  upon  the  manifold  advantages  of  being 
in  the  defensive.  I  am  willing  to  udniit  that  there 
are  great  and  manifest  advantages  in  being  on  the 
defensive  in  any  controversy,  whether  it  oe  of  a 
warlike  or  other  character.     But  it  would  seem  to 


me  that  no  war  will  ponibly  giow  out  of  this  tpia^ 
lion  in  which  Qreat  Britain  will  not  neeeaaarily  aiU 
unavoidabijr  be  the  aggftsaive  party.  Even  if  Ike 
notice  is  given,  and  war  ahould  enaua,  she  muat 
begin  it.  All  will  admit  that  we  can  populate  that 
country  more  rapidly  than  ahe  ean.  ThagenikH 
men  wno  propoae  to  get  the  whole  country,  if  iIm 
notice  be  not  given,  count  largely  if  not  entirely  on 
our  auperior  Mvantages  for  colonizing  that  country. 
So  long,  therefore,  aa  we  can  do  that,  and  thereby 
secure  by  our  majoritiea  the  control  of  the  country, 
what  n\ore  do  we  aak?  What  ia  there  to  fight  fur? 
Nothing,  certainly,  on  our  part.  Ourpoaition  would 
give  ua  every  advantage.  So  far,  therefore,  as  the 
question  of  war  ia  concerned,  the  praetinol  results  of 
both  plans  would  seem  to  me  to  be  the  same.  The 
one  may  bring  it  on  a  little  more  speedily  than  tha 
other,  but  war  is  as  likely  to  follow  the  one  aa  the 
other,  and  in  either  case  Great  Britain  muat  begin  it. 

I  am,  therefore,  in  favor  of  the  notice,  because  I 
believe  that  there  is  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  al- 
nost  every  riember  of  this  House  to  take  poases- 
''■"H  of  some  portion  of  tha'  territory — to  encour- 
n.V'  our  citizens  to  emigrate  there,  and  to  make  per- 
iianent  and  exclusive  settlements,  and  to  extend  our 
laws  and  institutions  over  them.  Thia  cannot  be 
done,  in  my  estimation,  consistently  with  aubaiatinr 
treaty  stipulations,  until  ufter  the  notice  is  given  and 
the  treaty  abrogated.  The  notice  is  the  only  way 
in  which  we  can  in  proper  faith  rid  ouraelvea  of  our 
obligationato  Great  Britain.  And  this  courae  ia  aa 
ii«(^es8ary  for  those  who  think  our  claim  does  not 
extend  beyond  the  49°,  as  for  thoae  who  would  be 
satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the  whole.  For  the 
suljjects  of  Great  Britain  have  the  rights  of  ingreaa 
and  egress  and  of  trade  into  every  portion  of  the 
territory — to  the  south  tij  well  as  to  the  north  of 
49'^,  and  to  the  south  as  well  as  to  tho  north  of  tho 
Columbia.  To  curtail  or  destroy  these  privileges  by 
any  measures  which  shall  operate  either  directly  or 
remotely  to  produce  such  a  result,  cannot  jually  be 
done  witliout  first  putting  an  end  to  the  treaty  of 
1827.  And  1  very  much  doubt  whether  we  shall  be 
able  to  get  the  signature  of  the  President  to  any 
laws,  the  immediate  or  remote  effect  of  which  would 
be  to  exclude  Great  Britain  from  any  portion  of  the 
country,  until  the  notice  has  been  first  given.  Trea- 
ties, when  once  concluded,  are  invested  by  the  con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  with  the  force  and' 
name  of  laws,  and  bv  that  same  inatrument  the 
President  is  bound  by  his  oath  to  see  that  the  lawa 
are  faithfully  executed— /ai</(/'uf{if  is  the  word  ac- 
cording to  their  direction,  their  spirit,  their  letter, 
and  in  no  other  way. 

Again :  I  am  for  the  notice,  because,  if  we  are  to 
tnke  exclusive  possession  of  any  portion  of  the  ter- 
ritory, to  proceed  with  the  notice  is  more  open  and 
above  board.  For  us  to  attempt  secretly  to  get  poa- 
sesaion  of  the  country,  would  carry  with  it  the  ap* 
pearance  of  an  effort  to  deceive — an  attempt  seeretty 
to  undermine,  which  could  really  deceive  no  one, 
and  which  is  equally  against  good  faith  and  fair  deal- 
ing. Our  country  should  always  remember  to  ful- 
fil, with  scrupulous  exactness,  all  her  nbligationa— 
her  contracts — all  the  pledges  of  her  faith,  whether 
they  relate  to  the  payment  of  money,  to  territorial 
rights,  or  to  commercial  privileges.  To  keep  them 
to  the  promise,  and  to  break  thein  in  act  and  in  deed, 
is  itnbecoming  our  frank,  onr  manly  character,  aa  a. 
people.  To  proclaim  the  inviolability  of  treatiea.at 
the  same  time  that  we  are  secretly  and  sneakinglr 
seeking  to  empower  ourselves  to  violate  them  with 


f 


'i 


»-.^*  ..-♦    ' 


"'f^^^^- 


•-.'J'.-.XjA.&LiM^Ju.it. . 


10 


u 


persona]  impunity,  if  I  may  so  speak  of  a  govern- 
ment, is  very  near  akin  to  that  faith  which  has  been 
ingloriousLy  immortalized  as  punica  fidts — Judas- 
like, it  salutes  with  a  kiss  that  it  may  the  more  com- 
pletely deceive  and  betray. 

Again :  I  am  in  favor  of  the  notice,  bccaune  I  be- 
lieve that  the  giving  of  it  now  holds  out  the  only 
plausible  means  of  preventing  a  war  between  the 
two  countries.  The  postponement  o''  the  notice 
from  1827  to  this  time  has  increased  and  multiplied 
the  difficulties  with  which  the  controversy  was  origi- 
nally surrounded.  And  it  is  difficult  to  see  what 
else  could  have  been  anticipated.  For  the  interests 
of  Great  Britain  have  been  and  are  now  daily  in- 
creasing in  extent  and  permanency,  making  all  the 
while  stronger  and  stronger  appeals  to  her  pride  and 
avarice  to  maintain  them.  At  first,  she  hnd  but  the 
moving  tent  and  the  temporary  stockade.  Now, 
she  has  the  permanent  dwelling  nnd  the  bristling  for- 
tifications. At  first,  she  had  but  the  roamiiiir  hun- 
ter, as  wild  and  unecttled  ns  the  game  he  pursued. 
Now,  she  has  the  fixed  agriculturist  and  the  aeltlcd 
farmer.  Now,  she  has;  tliero  n  scattered  popubtion. 
In  a  few  years  this  pontilation  will  be  doubled,  add- 
ing constantly  and  ilBiiy  to  the  difficulties  of  a  satis- 
factory and  peaceable  adjustment.  Never  was  the 
application  of  that  holy  inj\mctiori,  to  "agree  with 
thme  adversary  quickly,  whilst  thou  art  in  the  way 
with  him,"  more  appropriate  and  pressing  than  it  i'a 
in  relation  to  this  present  controversy.  Let  us  profit 
hy  it.  The  notice  is  all-impnrtant  ns  leading  irre- 
sistibly to  a  settlement  of  this  matter  in  some  way. 

Tliere  is  still  another  consideration  influencing 
my  mind  in  favor  of  the  notice,  growin?  out  of  the 
history  of  this  Oregon  qiic-Jtion.  In  1818  this  ques 
tion  was  brought  up  for  negoti.<ition  and  compro- 
mise; and  so  intimately  connected  with  the  peace  of 
the  two  countries  was'it  then  regarded,  that  its  agi- 
tation was  attended  with  the  most  injurious  effects 
upon  the  commerce,  upon  the  credit,  and  indeed 
upon  all  the  various  pursuits  and  interests  of  our 
people.  In  1897,  its  agitation  was  again  attended 
with  the  same  disastrous  results.  Now,  again,  for 
the  third  time,  has  it  been  brought  up  for  renewed 
discussion  in  the  year  1846  ;  and  if  we  arc  to  credit 
those  who  profess  to  un5crstnnd  such  matters,  it 
has  again  exhibited  its  galvanic  effect  upon  all  the 
best  interests  of  the  country.  Postpone  it  now,  and 
8omo  eight  or  ten  years  from  this  time,  if  not  soon- 
er, it  must  again  come  up  with  all  its  usual  concom 
itants  of  panics  ami  depressions.  Is  it  not  the  part 
of  wisdom  to  put  an  end  to  such  a  state  of  things.' 
Do  we  not  owe  it  to  ourselves,  and  to  those  w'ho 
come  after  us,  to  arrest  this  political  earthquake, 
which  at  interval?  has  given  a  shock  to  all  that  is 
Taluable  in  society? 

Mr.  Chairman,  as  something  has  been  said  about 
leaders  in  this  matter,  and  as  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  [Mr.  Adams]  has  been  held  up  be- 
fore the  country  as  the  leader  of  those  who  are  in 
favor  of  the  notice,  I  will  beg  the  indulgence  of  the 
committee  whilst  I  make  a  few  remarks  in  relation 
to  that  matter.  I  will  take  occasion  to  say,  that  in 
givmg  my  vote  for  the  notice,  I  shall  follow  the  lead 
of  no  man — the  lead  neither  of  the  illustrious  gen- 
tleman from  MassacViusetts,  nor  yet  of  (he  honor- 
able member  from  Vimnin,  [Mr.  Bavlt.]  I  know 
no  lead,  and  I  shall  follow  no  lead  but  that  of  my 
constituents.  Whithersoever  they  direct  in  a  mat- 
ter of  BO  much  importance  to  their  peace,  thither  I 
go  cheerfully  and  promptly.  But,  sir,  if  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts  happens  to  coincide  with 


me  n  opinion  upon  this  or  any  other  subject,  I 
shall  most  certainty  not  change  mv  views  on  that 
account  merely.  To  do  so,  would  be  to  put  my  jmh 
litieal  principles  entirely  in  hia  keeping,  to  be  con- 
trolled and  directed  as  he  mieht  think  proper.  He 
would  only  have  to  affect  to  be  on  one  side,  in  order 
to  drive  me  into  that  very  position  into  which,  above 
all  others,  he  would  most  desire  to  place  me.  Again: 
I  would  ask  with  what  propriety  can  it  be  said  that 
the  honorable  member  from  Massachusetts  is  the 
leader  of  a|l  those  who  are  in  favor  of  the  notice? 
I  had  thought  that  the  democratic  party  was  the 
leader  in  this  matter.  I  had  thought  that  their  dele- 
gates in  convention  had  declared  our  title  to  the 
whole  of  Oregon.  I  thought  it  formed  a  part  of  the 
declaration  with  which  we  entered  the  political 
struggle  of  1844,  in  which  we  were  opposed  and  re- 
sisted by  the  gentleman  from  Maseachiisetts,  and 
by  those  who" usually  act  with  him.  And  now, 
at'ter  the  gentleman,  with  all  his  might  and  main, 
re-sistcd  the  election  of  the  only  candidate  that  was 
publicly  pledged  to  the  maintenance  of  our  rights 
in  Oregon,  he  is  to  be  held  up  as  "the  leader  of  all 
tliosu  who  advocate  the  notice.  It  will  not  do. 
Gentlemen  will  fail  in  their  object.  They  ought  to 
know,  and  do  know,  that  the  democratic  party  have 
adopted  their  principles,  not  from  a  spirit  of  opposi- 
tion to  others,  but  because  of  their  connexion  with 
the  prosperity  and  glory  of  our  common  country. 
By  fluch  an  intimation,  the  honorable  gentleman  de- 
preciate the  moral  influence  of  the  political  princi- 
ples by  which  they  have,  for  some  time  past,  pro- 
fessed to  have  been  governed. 

But  some  gentlemen  who  have  preceded  me  in 
the  debate,  declare  that  before  we  proceed  to  adopt 
measures  which  may  possibly  lead  to  war,  we 
ought  fully  to  l)c  satisfied,  not  only  of  our  rishts, 
but  that  those  rights  are  of  sufficient  value  and  im- 
portance to  justify  a  resort  to  that  dreadful  alterna- 
tive. This  will  lead  me  to  trouble  the  committee 
wiih  a  few  reflections  upon  the  value  of  Oregon; 
and  in  this  connexion  I  will  consider  it  with  respect 
to  its  agricultural,  its  manufacturing,  and  commer- 
cial capacities.  And,  first,  as  respects  its  agricultural 
advantages.  And  here  I  am  willing  to  confess  tliat 
at  first  blush,  and  as  appears  from  the  very  imper- 
fect accounts  from  the  portions  of  that  territory 
which  have  been  yet  explored,  the  prospects  are 
not  no  encouraging,  so  far  as  agriculture  is  concern- 
ed, as  is  to  be  found  in  other  portions  of  the  habit- 
able globe.  It  has  not,  for  instance,  the  smooth- 
ness of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  nor  yet  per- 
haps its  fertility.  But  that  the  parts  of  it  already 
explored  do  hold  out  very  considerable  induce- 
ments to  the  agriculturist,  and  that  a  more  thorough 
examination  may  yet  lead  to  the  discovery  of  other 
and  still  larger  tracts  suited  to  the  same  desirable 
purposes,  is  far  from  being  without  the  range  of  hu- 
man probability.  Of  late,  every  year  is  rewarding 
the  toil  of  the  hardy  pioneer  with  the  discovery  of 
some  new  valley  vieing  in  richness  of  scenery — in 
frvtility  of  soil — beauty  of  location,  and  salubiity  of 
climate,  with  any  spots  of  equal  extent  in  the  world- 
The  valley  of  the  Umpqua,  of  the  Willamette,  and 
of  the  Walla  Walla  have,  from  time  to  time,  burst 
upon  the  gaze  of  the  hardy  adventurer,  and  re- 
warded, from  time  to  time,  his  daring  and  toil- 
sime  wanderinss.  But,  sir,  when  we  remem- 
ber thai,  untir  within  a  few  years  past,  ^Ms 
whole  country  has  been  looked  to  with  an  eye 
single  to  the  furnishing  of  furs;  and  when  it  is  fur- 
ther remembered  that  thobe  portions  of  any  country 


«  J..      Mm.  -.         .     J^-j^  tAi    «4-.....^ 


JJ».' -»t  '^    .Si.»....«>JI.JL  .*.^« 


MfS^VWKtS^i 


JL^ 


•"- — -r 


any  other  aubject,  I 
je  my  vi«w»  on  that 
»uldbetoputniy.po- 
is  keeping,  to  be  con- 
it  think  proper.  He 
i  on  one  side,  in  order 
tion  into  which,  above 
e  to  place  roe.  Again: 
iety  can  it  be  said  that 
Massachueetta  is  the 
in  favor  of  the  notice? 
ocralic  party  was  the 
bought  that  their  dele- 
;larea  our  title  to  the 

it  formed  a  part  of  the 

entered  the  political 
!  were  opposed  and  re- 
in Massachusetts,  and 
with  him.    And  now, 

his  might  and  main, 
nly  candidate  that  wan 
ntennnce  of  our  rights 
ipas'the  leader  of  all 
jiice.  It  will  not  do. 
object.  They  ought  to 
5  democratic  party  have 
from  a  spirit  of  opposi- 
)f  their  connexion  with 
f  our  common  country, 
lonorablc  gentleman  de- 
:  of  the  political  princi- 
For  some  time  past,  pro- 

\o  have  preceded  me  in 
jre  we  proceed  to  adopt 
sibly  lead  to  war,  we 
not  only  of  our  rights, 
sufficient  vhlue  and  im- 
to  that  dreadful  alterna- 

0  trouble  the  committee 
n  the  value  of  Oregon; 

1  consider  it  with  respect 
facturing,  and  comraer- 
i  respects  its  agricultural 
m  willing  to  confess  tliat 
irs  from  the  very  imper- 
irtiona  of  that  territory 
ored,  the  prospects  are 
IB  agriculture  is  concern- 
r  portions  of  the  habit- 
br  instance,  the  smooth- 
[ississippi,  nor  yet  per- 
t  the  parts  of  it  already 
ry  considerable  induce- 
nd  that  a  more  thorough 
o  the  discovery  of  other 

to  the  same  desirable 
without  the  range  of  hu- 
every  year  is  rewarding 
eer  with  the  discovery  of 
richness  of  scenery— in 
location,  and  aalubiity  o' 
iqual  extent  in  the  world. 
,of  the  Willamette,  and 
■rom  time  to  time,  burst 
rdy  a(<venturer,  and  re- 
le,  his  daring  and  toil- 
sir,  when  we    remena- 
,   few   years   past,   iSis 
looked  to  with  an  eye 
furs;  and  when  it  is  ftir- 
portionsof  any  country 


I 


11 


which  are  most  inviting  to  the  fool  of  the  traveller 
are  the  least  ndnpted  to  the  product*  of  agriculture, 
the  wonder  perhaps  is,  not  that  BO  few,  but  rather 
that  BO  many  r<pota  have  already  been  found  which 
are  hereafter  to  gladden  the  heart  and  reward  the 
toil  of  the  husbandman.  Much,  too,  that  at  first 
eight  would  seem  to  be  unsuited  to  cultivation  may, 
by  dint  of  industry  and  enterprise,  become  the 
abode  of  the  quiet  and  independent  farmer.  To  tlie 
eye  of  the  pilgrim  as  :t,  wandering  over  the  sur- 
rounding country  for  the  first  time,  from  the  rock 
of  Plrmouth,  how  dreary  and  desolate  the  scenery. 
Nor  did  a  further  progress  into  the  interior  destroy 
or  even  weaken  fur  a  loni;  time  the  startling  fea- 
tures of  the  picture  as  it  first  presented  itself  to  his 
vision.  But  Masrachusetts  is  now  a  great  and 
powerful  State — great  in  her  population,  in  her 
wealth,  in  her  commerce,  in  the  intelligence  and 
enterprise  of  her  citizens,  and  great  in  her  revolu- 
tionary rcminiscencra.  By  the  industry  of  her  peo- 
ple, by  their  economy  and  prudence,  h:r  snow-ca|> 
ped  mountiiins  have  been  converted  into  fruitful 
^^urdens,  and  her  very  rocks  have  beeir  made  to 
bloom  with  thefrcKhness  of  vegetation.  And  of  a 
majority  of  the  old  States',  how  small  is  the  por- 
tion of  their  surfaces  that  gives  employment  to  the 
IiusbandmRn.  But  in  all  thnt  contributes  tp  the 
nurture  of  flocks  and  herds,  ami  to  tlie  .support  of 
manufaRtiirin<;  establishments,  Oregon  bids  fair  to 
stand  unrivalled  on  this  northern  continent.  Her 
valleys,  her  hills,  nnd  her  very  mountains  produce 
spontaneously  and  in  abundance  the  most  nourishing 
graades,  adapting  her  above  all  other  countries  to 
the  growing  of  wool — a  commodity  fur  which  we 
are  now  so  largely  dependent  upon  importations 
from  abroad.  And  though  her  rivers  and  water 
courses  arc  broken  by  fulls  and  compressed  in  places 
into  narrow  defiles,  olTering  no  safety  on  their  bo- 
eoms  to  the  vessel  or  the  siciimship,  these  very 
deformities,  if  I  may  so  express  myself,  make  them 
invaluable  to  the  manufacturer. 

Our  political  opponents  have  for  a  long  time  been 
pre^riine.  upon  the  country  the  unspeakable  advan- 
tages of  making  everything  within  ourselves,  and 
beiniT  dependent  on  foreign  nations  for  nothin<;; 
and  really,  sir.  when  we  are  once  in  the  peaceable 
posucEsion  of  Oregon,  I  shall  feel  that  we  ore  about 
to  experience  the  realities,  whatever  they  may  be, 
of  their  political  hallucinations.  We  can  then  cer- 
tainly make  our  own  cotton,  our  own  wool,  our 
own  meat  end  breod,  our  own  clothes,  and  our  own 
gold  and  silver.  Vcs,  sir,  our  own  gold  and  silver; 
for  who  can  tell  of  the  countless  stores  of  mineral 
wealth  which  lie  embedded  in  the  bosom  of  her 
mountains.  For  her  mountains  are  but  a  continu- 
ation of  those  which,  in  Mexico,  have  poured  out 
their  trc.nsures  in  such  astonishing  profuHlon  into 
the  laps  of  her  citizens.  But  it  is  in  regard  to  the 
commercial  importance  of  this  wonderful  country 
that  prophecy  has  ventured  her  most  antazing  spec- 
ulations. It  is  in  this  point  of  view  that  Oregon  be- 
comes invested  with  an  interest  and  importance 
which  it  18  not  given  to  the  most  sanguine  imagin- 
ation to  i^rasp.  We  are  told  that  whatever  nation 
in  the  history  of  the  world  has  monopolized  the 
trade  ot  the  East,  hna  exercised  a  controlling  influ- 
ence over  the  destinies  of  the  other  nations  of  the 
earth.  Phenicin,  Carthage,  Greece,  Rome,  Venice, 
Genoa,  niid  Holland,  have  been  successively  the 
successful  Competitors  for  the  glittering  prize,  and 
they  were  succcBsively  the  maeters  and  sehool*mn«- 
ters  of  the  world,  giving  to  it  law,  civilization,  the 


arts  that  embellish  and  the  sciences  that  dignify  and 
ennoble  human  nature,  and  pouring  into  the  laps  of 
the  other  nations  the  luxuries  of  a  refined  and  cul- 
tivated existence.  The  sceptre  of  this  edl-pervading 
power  ii  now  in  the  hands  of  Great  Britain,  and 
she  stands  confessedly  the  master  power  of  the 
world.  To  secure  this  trade  by  the  only  practica- 
ble route  which  new  presents  itself,  her  merchants 
are  compelled  to  traverse  an  ocean  way  of  some 
tens  of  tiiousanHs  miles,  and  requiring  for  an  aver- 
age voyage  some  five  or  six  months. 

If  Orcson  shall  become  ours,  and  the  project  of 
a  railroad  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  shall 
ever  be  realized — and  realized  it  will  be — that  trade  ' 
must  pass  through  uur  country,  because  the  route 
from  the  East  to  Europe  would  be  shortened  by , 
some  two-thirds.  0>ir  country  must  then  become 
the  thoroughfare  of  this  great  trade,  and  into  our 
hands  must  pass  the  sceptre  of  that  power,  which, 
in  all  ages  that  are  past,  has  given  such  controlling 
mor.tl  and  physical  intliience  to  its  fortunate  pos- 
sessor over  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth.  Considera- 
tions like  these — considerations,  loo,  far  from  being 
fanciful  and  visionary — invest  Oregon  with  an  inter- 
est nnd  vnl'ie  which  will  not  justify  us  in  surren- 
dering it  as  a  barren  waste.  I  nm  aware  of  the  at- 
tempts made  at  times  to  depreciate  and  underrate 
it.  I  know  that  it  is  represented  by  some  as  a  des- 
ert waste,  in  which  mountain  is  piled  upon  moun- 
tain in  wild  nnd  steril  confusion,  fit  only  to  be  the 
abode  of  the  murderous  savage,  and  of  the  prowl- 
ing wild  beast.  But,  tiir,  I  must  confess  that  I  like 
the  country  for  the  very  wildness  of  its  mountains. 
Mountainous  countries  are  the,nurseries  of  freemen. 
The  love  of  country  which  they  inspire  is  to  be 
found  nowhere  else.  The  inhabitant  of  the  plain 
loves  his  country,  but  it  is  often  a  cold,  selfish, 
and  calculating  attachment.  Point  out  to  him  a 
place  where  his  interest  will  be  more  promoted,  and 
country  is  lost  sight  of,  amidst  the  engrossments  of 
interest.  The  mountaineer  loves  his  country  with  a 
romantic  devotion,  partaking  of  the  grandeur,  the 
subUinity,  the  sternness  of  the  scenery  by  which  he 
issurroonded.  And,  sir,  when  liberty  is  about  to  de- 
part from  any  country  which  it  has  once  blessed 
with  her  presence,  her  last  and  lingering  footsteps 
are  to  be  seen  in  the  defiles  r.nd  lecesacs  of  its 
mountiiins.  And  when  our  country  shall  have 
reached  the  meridian  of  its  glory,  and,  in  obedience 
to  that  Inw  which  nature  lias  impresecd  all  things 
human,  shall  begin  to  wane  and  decline^  perhaps 
some  pi'.triot  Wallace,  with  his  few  valiant,  devot- 
ed followers,  will,  in  the  rude  mountains  of  Oregon, 
stay  for  a  while  our  downward  course,  and  drive 
back  for  a  time  the  mercenary  forces  of  the  usur- 
per. 

1  will  now  proceed  to  answer  some  of  the  state- 
ments made  on  this  floor  by  gentlemen  on  tiic other 
side.  Some  of  them  tell  us  that  we  are  not  pre- 
pared for  a  conflict  with  Great  Britain;  that  we  have 
no  fortifications  deser^'ing  the  name;  no  navy;  no  ar- 
my; no  militia;  whilst  she  is  represented  «8  having 
preparations  in  all  these  respects,  never  before  seen 
in  the  hands  of  any  power  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  Statements  like  these  are  the  standing  and 
stereotyped  arguments  of  all  those,  who,  in  the  his> 
tnry  of  the  United  States  have  been  opposed  to  war. 
They  are  considerations  which  were  urged  just  before 
our  revolutionary  anU  our  last  war,  and  urged  with 
on  ingenuity,  and  eloquence,  and  seeming  proprie- 
ty which  tSey  can  never  bring  with  them  again. 
They  carried  with  them  little  or  no  force  then,  and 


'/ 


^ >.«».*  J:.  .''^ 


r*  ■ 


m 


12 


they  CM  carry  with  t|tem  Uill  leas  mw.  wheiithe  re- 
sist of  both  tboM  wara,  buteapeeially  of  the  latter,  has 
praved  that  our  strentth  consists  in  our  resources, 
in  our  material  for  realy  preparatio*,  and  in  the  in- 
domitable  spirit  of  our  people,  rather  than  in  any 
extended  previous  preparation.  To  argue  thjat  we 
■hottld  adopt  no  measares  which,  by  any  possibility, 
will  lead  to  war,  until  we  are  an  an  c(^uility  in  point 
of  preparation  with  the  power  which  it  mav  be  sup- 
posed we  will  offend,  is  to  argue  against  all  war,  n3 
well  as  against  the  advocacy  of  any  meas>r.  ^  which, 
however  remotely,  may  operate  to  produce  hostili- 
ties. For  the  sense  of  our  people,  the  spirit  of  our 
institutions  is  opposed  to  large  standing  armies,  to 
expensive  navies,  and  to  extensive  fortifications,  so 
that  our  preparations  are  always  mada  after  war  is 
deelared,  or  considered  inevitable. 

Other  gentlemen  tell  us  that  the  certain  effect  of  a 
war  for  Oiegon  will  be  to  lose  the  whole  of  it 
for  a  while,  at  least,  and  that  its  probable  effect  will 
be  to  lose  it  to  us  altogether.  Bat,  sir,  I  cannot 
bring  myself  to  believe  that  we  shall  lose  it 
even  for  a  time.  I  cannot  but  believe  that  we 
shall  be  able  to  send  men  enough  into  that  country 
to  expel  any  torce  which  Great  Britain  can  send 
there,  and  supply  with  the  necessaries  of  life  and  the 
munitions  of  war,  for  any  considerable  time.  And 
as  to  her  Indian  allies,  very  little  is  to  be  dreaded 
from  them,  except  in  their  attacks  upon  defenceless 
women  and  children.  Oreat  Britam  managed  in 
both  our  wars  to  get  them  upon  her  side,  but  we 
w^re  an  overmatch  for  both  of  them,  and  that,  too, 
when  the  Indians  were  much  more  numerous  and 
powerful  than  they  are  ai  this  time,  and  when  we 
were  far  leas  so,  and  when  the  Indians  were  far 
more  formidable  than  the  half-brute  creatures  which 
bear  that  name  on  the  west  of  the  Rocky  mountains. 
Indeed,  I  am  inclined  to  the  opinion  that  the  Inilians 
have  but  served  to  fetter  and  clog  the  operations  of 
their  civilized  allies.  This  is  emphatically  so,  in  all 
their  pitched  and  regular  battles.  In  all  such  engage- 
ments, the  British  would  have  done  better  without 
them.  I  repeat  it,  therefore,  sir,  that  I  cannot  but 
believe  that  we  can  employ  a  force  in  Oregon  that 
will  enable  us  to  retain  possession  of  it  against  any 
force  which  can  be  sent  there.  I  have  great  confi- 
dence in  the  enterprise  and  prowess  of  our  western 
citizens  whose  invaluable  services  as  hardy  pioneers, 
both  in  possessing  themselves  of  the  country,  and  in 
the  rapid  population  of  it,  was  so  graphically  de- 
scribed by  the  honorable  member  from  Indiana, 
[Mr.  Kennbdt,]  and  whom  he  so  faithfully  repre- 
sents on  this  floor.  I  never  can  believe  that  they  will 
allow  the  cross  of  St.  George  to  float  in  triumph 
over  any  portion  of  that  territory.  But  if  misfor- 
tune should  lose  us  the  country  in  the  beginning, 
there  uever  can  be  any  possible  chance  of  our  losing 
it  altogether.  If  Great  Britain  should  expel  out 
people  from  the  territory,  we  can  take  po.sseasion  of 
Canada,  and  New  Brunswick,  and  Nova  Scotia;  and 
when  we  become  tired  of  fighting  each  other,  she 
will  give  us  Oregon,  and  we  will  probably  surrender 
these  countries  to  her.  But,  if  we  should  unfortu- 
nately lose  it  altogether,  we  shall  have  the  gratifi- 
cation of  remembering  that  it  was  lost  by  the  for- 
tmes  of  war,  rather  than  by  ignoble  surrender — that 
we  were  at  least  true  to  the  motto  which  wie  have 
adopted  in  the  management  of  our  foreign  relations, 
"to  ask  nothing  but  what  is  right,  and  to  submit, 
with  impunity,  to  nothing  that  is  wrong" — and  that 
we  have  not  been  altogetner  false  to  our  reiterated 


aaaertion  that  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  WM 
clear  and  indisputable. 

Othir  gentlemen  have  deieanled  mo«t  beautifully 
upon  the  proaperity  tf<  our  coitntry;  ita  wealth,  ita 
commerce,  and  the  achievements  of  its  arts  and  in- 
dustry; and  we  are  bid  to  look  upon  them  all  at  the 
trophies  of  peace,  That  peace  is  th*  immediate 
cause  of  all  this,  I  am  ready  to  admit.  But  there  is 
a  class  of  causes,  called  remote  causes,  and  they  are 
frequently  entitled  to  more  weight,  when  results  are 
to  be  considered,  than  those  causes  which  are  seem- 
ingly more  direct  and  manifest.  And  among  the  re- 
mote causes,  which  have  enabled  us  to  attain  our 
present  position,  in  all  that  aggrandizes  a  people,  the 
two  wars  through  which  we  have  passed^  are  cei^ 
tainly  entitled  to  no  little  weight  and  consideration. 
The  first  war  brought  out  our  independence,  and 
gave  K3  existence  ^  a  free  confederacy  of  States. 
And  the  second  gave  our  people  a  name  for  valor 
and  unconquerable  determination,  and  for  jealousy 
of  our  rights,  which  challenges'  respect  (or  ua  in 
every  sea  and  in  every  port.  This  respect,  sir,  is  the 
chief  element  and  support  of  extended  commer- 
cial prosperity.  Let  us  forfeit  that  by  any 
surrender  of  our  just  and  proper  rights,  and 
these  monuments  of  our  erttcrprise  and  adven- 
ture, to  which  Vfc  now  refer  with  so  much,  and 
with  such  just  pride,  will  be  humbled  and  levelled 
in  the  dust.  And,  I  would  ask,  if  Great  Britain 
stakes  nothing  in  this  conflict  ?  Where  are  her 
wealth,  her  pro8|)erity,  her  commerce,  and  the 
achievements  of  her  arts  and  her  industry.'  Where 
are  the  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  her  peo- 
ple, who  are  now  employed  in  manufactories,  but 
who,  if  the  supply  of  cotton  shall  be  cut  off*  by  war, 
will  be  thrown  out  of  employment,  anc*  reduced  to 
beggary  and  starvation.'  Where  are  the  mutier- 
ings  of  the  gathering  storm,  which  pre  con- 
stantly heard  amongst  her  enslaved  and  starving 
populace,  and  in  the  very  heart  of  her  kingdom  ? 
Where  is  Ireland,  with  her  convulsive  throes  for 
the  very  birthright  of  freemen — direct  representa- 
tion? Where  is  the  wild,  the  brave  Afighan, 
who,  in  the  rude  mountains  of  his  native  land,  is 
beating  back  with  fury  and  destruction  the  wave  of 
Biitish  power,  as  at  each  returning  wave  it  seeks 
to  overrun  his  own,  his  native  land?  Where  are 
her  numerous  colonies  and  settlements,  scattered 
throughout  the  habitable  globe,  bound  to  her  only  by 
fear,  and  who  are  seeking  the  first  favorable  oppor- 
tunity to  throw  off*  the  yoke  of  her  exactions  and 
oppressions?  Where  are  all  those  nations  of  the 
world,  who,  according  lo  the  honorable  gentleman 
from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Hitnter,]  are  standing  by, 
panting  for  her  overthrow,  and  ready  to  gather  up 
the  spoils  of  her  dissolution?  Is  it  true  that  we 
have  everything  to  discourage,  and  she  everything 
to  prompt  and  urge  her  to  the  conflict  ?  If  the  sym- 
pathy of  mankind  be  the  platform  on  which  we  are 
first  to  place  ourselves  in  order  to  ensure  success, 
where,!  would  ask,  amid  the  realities  of  the  pic- 
iiire  I  have  drawn,  she  is  to  obtain  even  a  foothold? 

There  is  yet  another  and  a  distinct  class  iji  this 
House — for  on  this  question  there  are  several 
classes,  as  well  as  shades  of  opinion— I  say  there 
is  a  class  who  are  opposed  to  this  notice,  because 
they  are  of  opinion  that  the  President  and  Senate 
have  that  authority,  as  the  treaty-making  power, 
and  they  are  opposed  to  what  they  consider  unneces- 
sary and  unauthorized  legiilation.  It  is  true  that 
the  President  and  Senate  have  the  power  to  make 


L\ 


ole  of  Oreson 


ed  mo«  beautifully 
try;  iu  wealth,  ita 
I  of  ita  ari«  and  in- 
l>9n  then)  all  as  the 
th*  itrmediate 
Jmit.  But  there  is 
usee,  and  they  are 
lit,  when  reaults  are 
lea  which  are  seem- 
And  among  the  re- 
A  us  to  attain  our 
indizes  a  people,  the 


r 


led 


ive  paasedf  are  cer- 
and  consideration, 
independence,  and 
onfederacy  of  States, 
aple  a  name  for  valor 
ion,  and  for  jealousy 
ti  respect  (or  us    in 
'his  respect,  sir,  is  the 
f  extended  cominer- 
)rfeit    that    by   any 
proper   rights,   and 
tcrprise   and  adven- 
er  with  so  much,  and 
humbled  and  levelled 
ask,    if  Great  Britain 
ict  ?    Where  are  her 
commerce,  and  the 
icr  industry?    Where 
thousands  of  her  peo- 
in  manufactories,  but 
ihall  be  cut  off  by  war, 
^mcnt,  an(<  reduced  to 
Vhere  are  the  mutter- 
rm,    which   ere    con- 
enslaved  and  starving 
heart   of  lier  kingdom  ? 
;r  convulsive  throes  for 
len— direct  representa- 
I,  the   brave  Affghan, 
of  his  native  land,  is 
lestruction  the  wave  of 
turning  wave  it  seeks 
ve  land?    Where  are 
settlements,  scattered 
le,  bound  to  her  only  by 
a  first  favorable  oppor- 
of  her  exactions  and 
ill  those  nations  of  the 
e  honorable  gentleman 
ER,]   are  standing  by, 
and  ready  to  gather  up 
1?    Is  it  true  that  we 
;e,  and  she  everything 
le  conflict?    Ifthosym- 
itform  on  which  we  are 
rder  to  ensure  success, 
le  realities  of  the  pic- 
obtain  even  a  foothold? 

t  distinct  class  in  this 
lion  there  are  several 
)f  opinion— I  aay  there 
to  this  notice,  because 
e  President  and  Senate 
t  treaty-makiflf  power, 
It  they  consider  unnecee- 
lation.  It  is  true  that 
ive  the  power  to  make 


I 


X.         •  -     _ 


13 


treaties  by  the  constitution.  But  that  the  power  to 
make  carries  with  it  the  power  to  anaul  and  abro- 
gate, may  admit  of  some  doubt.  It'  is  true,  there 
■re  caaea  in  which  they  may  destroy  a  former 
treaty,  by  making  a  later  one,  whose  provisions  con- 
flict witft  thp  former;  but.  this  ia  but  the  conse- 
quence of  their  power  td  make.  But  that  they  ir<>y 
of'their  own  mere  motion,  by  way  of  notice,  p'O- 
damation,  or  otherwise,  put  an  end  to  a  subsisting 
treaty,  when  the  terms  or  the  treaty  confer  no  such 
power  on  either,  may  well  be  questioned. 

And  when  reference  is  had  to  another  clause  of 
the  conbtitution,  which  gives  to  treaties,  when  pro- 
perly concluded,  the  force,  and  power,  and  name  of 
a/ow,  this  view  of  the  case  would  appear  to  re- 
ceive additional  strength.  This. ".lause  would  seem 
to  brifig  treaties,  when  oqce  made,  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  law:-making  power,  whicH  embraces  the 
President  and  both  houses  of  Congress.  If  these 
considerations,  which  would  seem  to  confer  the 
power  on  Congress,  the  President  co-operating,  are 
entitled  to  any  weight,  and  there  be  likewise  any 
force  in  the  arguments  which  confine  this  power  to 
the  President  and  the  Senate,  these  conflictmg  opin- 
ions and  arguments  but  show  that  the  ouesiion  is 
involved  in  doubt.  And  where  there  is  doubt  as  to 
the  question,  whether  any  power  is  properly  to  be 
exercised  by  a  part  or  by  the  whole  of^  the  legisla- 
tive authority  of  the  government,  that  construction 
«ught  to  prevail  which  refer  it  to  the  whole,  as 
bemg  more  safe  and  more  in  unison  with  the  spirit 
of  Our  institutions.  Regarding  it,  therefore,  as  o 
question  of  doubt,  the  President  certainly  acted  with 
prudence  in  conceding  the  power  to  Congress  con- 
jointly with  himself,  and  the  people  will  commend 
him  for  his  prudence. 

Again,  the  ouestion  of  terminating  the  treaty,  and 
the  measures  by  which  it  is  to  be  mllowed,  are  so 
intimately  connected,  in-  the  estimation  of  many, 
with  the'pjeace  of  the  country,  that  even  if  the 
power  were  clearly  with  the  President  and-  Senate, 
there  would  be  no  manifest  impropriety  in  taking 
advice  of  Congress,  inasmuch  as  if  war  do  follow, 
Corigress  must  declare  it — must  vote  the  money  ne- 
cessary to  carry  it  on — and  inasmuch  aa  the  people 
we. represent  will  at  last  have  to  furnish  the  pecu- 
niary and  physical  material  for  prosecuting  it.  It 
is  from  no  desire  to  shun  any  just  responsibility  o( 
hia  position  thAt  lie  refers  the  matter  to  Congress. 
Whatever  of  responsibility  is  to  attach  to  the  g:iving 
ofthenolic<  he  has  boldly  assumed  bel'ore  the  fact 
of  the  count'-y  by  recording,  under  the  solemnity  of 
his  donstitu  ional  ui  ligations,  his  opinion  that  the 
notice  should  be  ;^iven,  and  given  at  once. 

And  it  is  to  be  feared  that  many  of  those  who  ere 
now  most  ready  to  brand  the.  President  with  a  de- 
sire to  shun  the  responsibility  nf  his  station,  would, 
if  the  notice  had  been  given  by  him  and  war  have 
unfortunately  ensued,  and  proved  disastrouH  in  its 
termination  or  its  progress,  be  foremost  in  de- 
'  nouncing  him  as  heedless,  reckless,  and.  wanting  in 
respect  to  the  representatives  of  the  people  in  a  nial- 
ter  concerning  their  peace  and  their  very,  lives. 
The  passage  of  this  resolution  has  been  branded  in 
advance  as  an  infVingement  of  the  powers  of  the 
executive.  But  I  must  C9nfess  that  I  am  at  a  loss 
to  perceive  how,  in  any  possible  view  of  the  citse, 
it  can  be  so  regarded,  What  1  understand  as  an 
infringement  of  any  power,  ia  an  arbitrary  and  un- 
solicited interference  and  usurpation  of  it.    In  the 


case  now  before  as,  we  an  called  on  to  ad  »t  Ike 
instonce  of  the  Executive,  and  at  bis  reqwaat,  ad- 
rising  wiMt  may  be  beat  for  the  inteieat  of  his 
country.  And,  Mr.  Chairman,  itis  A  little  tamark- 
able  that  the  obieciion  that  Congreaa  wiould  not  in- 
terfere in  the  giving  this  notice,  but  that  tka  whole 
of  it  shouM  b«  leti  with  the  President,  ia  urged  wiih 
the  greatest  pertinacity  by  those  very  gentlemen 
who,  for  the  last  four  or  five  years,  have  been  en- 
veighing  with  the  moat  violent  denunciation  against 
the  already  over-grown  and  irresistible  power  of  the 
executive,  as  they  were  pleased  to  term  it.  It  cer- 
tainly was  hardly  to  have  been  expected  that,  iii  so 
short  a  time,  they  would  be  found  in  a  case  of 
dotAlful  right,  ready  to  leave  to  the  Executive  the 
exercise  of  a  power  which,  according  to  their  own 
confession,  must  almoet  necessarily  lead  to  war. 

Before  I  take  my  seat,  I  will  make  but  a  remark 
or  so  upon  the  amendment  of  the  honorablie  gentle- 
man from  Alabama,  [Mr.  Hilliabd.]  His  amend- 
ment proposes  to  empower  the  President  to  give  the 
notice  when,  in  hU  opinion,  the  public  interest  re- 

3uirea  it.  The  President,  sir,  under  the  solemn 
ischarge  of  his  duties  under '  the  constitution  has 
stated  to  this  House  and  to  the  country  his  belief 
that  the  notice  should  be  given  neie— should  be 
given  at  once — and  that  without  delay.  To  aii- 
lhori7.e  him,  therefore,  to  girt  the  notice,  when  he 
shall  think  it  best  to  do  so.  is  to  authorize  him  to  do 
it  now;  and  that  is  precisely  what  the  original  reso- 
lution, reported  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Re- 
lations, proposes  to  do.  And,  sir,  for  us  to  Miopt 
the  amendment  of  the  ^-dntleman  from  Alabama 
[Mr.  Hilliard]  would  look  very  much  like  ques- 
tioning the  sincerity  of  >he  President  or  his  firmness 
when  he  made  that  deci.> ration.  It  is  very  much 
like  saying  to  him,  we  know  you  have  told  us  in 
your  message  that,  in  your  opinion,  the  notice 
should  be  given  forthwith,  but  we  can  hardly  think 
you  in  earnest,  and  will  therefore  empower  you  to 
do  it,  when  you  really  do  get  in  the  notion,  that  it 
ought  to  be  given.  The  adoption  of  the  amendment 
will  certainly  furnish  very  strong  evidence  either 
that  we  question  his  sincerity,  or  that  it  is  the  de- 
sire of  a-  majority  nf  this  House  that  the  notice 
should  be  postponed,  or  that  we  nre  unwilling  to 
share  witli  him  any  ru^ponsibility  whatever  of  the 
consequences  whicli  may  follow  the  notice.  The 
first  inference  would  be  unjust  to  that  officer;  the 
second  would  be  contrary  to  the  wishes  ofa  major- 
ity of  this  House,  and  to  manifest  an  unwillingness 
to  share  with  ilic  Kxecutive  the  responsibility  of  the 
notice  and  the  consequences  to  which  it  may  lead, 
is  exceedingly  unkind  in  his  political  friends,  and 
looks  very  much  like  turning  the  "cold  shoulder' 
when  oiie's  friend  in  in  a  crisis,  and  that,  too,  a 
crisis  into  whirrh  those  very  friends  have  been  in- 
strumental in  bringing  him.  The  democratic  friends 
of  the  President  marie  the  assertion  of  nnr  title  to 
Oregon  one  of  the  cardinal  doctrines  to  which  they 
pledged  him  before  .lie  peo(>le;  and  now,  when  he 
comes  forward  to  take  the  first  step  necessary  to  re- 
deem that  pledge,  these  very  friends  are  called  up- 
on to  turn  their  backs  upon  him,  and  tell  him,  "Sir, 
you  must  lake  all  the  responsibility;  the  business 
begins  to  look  rather,  squally,  and  we  had  rather 
have  as  little  to  do  with  it  as  possible."  Call  you 
this  supporting  your  frienc"^  Will  it  not  rather  go 
to  some  extent  to  verify  the  predictions  made  on 
this  floor  that  the  President,  friends  and  all,  will 


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bKk  out  from  thii  whokmauuf    FortkeMra». 

tfcpwtBMDli  of  tlMgoMmment  viUn**  the  notice 
•  mom  uteeiKefor  good  what  iteodd  "otwl? 


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